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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
• / «
HEARINGS ffTor
BEFORE A
SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FIRST CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
PURSUANT TO
S. Res. 231
A RESOLUTION TO INVESTIGATE WHETHER THERE ARE
EMPLOYEES IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT
DISLOYAL TO THE UNITED STATES
PART 2
APPENDIX
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
HEARINGS
BEFORE A
SUBCOMMITTEE OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-FIKST CONGRESS
SECOND SESSIOS
PURSUANT TO
S. Res. 231
A RESOLUTION TO INVESTIGATE WHETHER THERE ARE
EMPLOYEES IN THE STATE DEPARTMENT
DISLOYAL TO THE UNITED STATES
PART 2
APPENDIX
Printed for the use' of the Committee on Foreign Relations
■*flfW/
-M&
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
68970 WASHINGTON : 1950
A>
J^#5iK
,^z? —
U. S. SUPERINTENDENT OF DOCUMENTS
<-uu 251950
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
•
TOM CONNALLY, Texas, Chairman
WALTER F. GEORGE. Georgia ARTHUR II. YANDENBERG, Michigan
ELBERT D. THOMAS, Utah ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
MILLARD E. TYDINGS, Maryland H. ALEXANDER SMITH, New Jersey
CLAUDE PEPPER, Florida BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER, Iowa
THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN. Rhode Island HENRY CABOT LODGE, JR., Massachusetts
I'.RIEN McMAHON, Connecticut
.!. \V. FULBRIGHT, Arkansas
Fbancis O. Wilcox, Chief of Staff
C. C. O'Day, Clerk
Subcommittee on Senate Resolution 231
MILLARD E. TYDINGS, Maryland, Chairman
THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN. Rhode Island BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER, Iowa
BRIEN McMAHON, Connecticut HENRY CABOT LODGE, Jr., Massachusetts
Edward P. Morgan, Chief Counsel
Robert L. Heuld, Assistant Counsel Liox L. Tyler, Jr., Assistant Counsel
William .1. Kli.ma, Assistant Counsel Robert Morris, Assistant Counsel
Margaret B. Buchholz, Subcommittee Clerk
II
APPENDIX
Exhibit No. 1
[Daily Worker, February 21, 1940]
Signers of Protest
The following outstanding Americans, writers, poets, playwrights, educators,
judges, critics, and public officials signed the letter to President Roosevelt and
Attorney General Jackson protesting the attacks upon the Veterans of the
Abraham Lincoln Brigade and condemning the war hysteria now being whipped
up by the Roosevelt administration :
Elliot Paul
Ernest Hemingway
Jay Allen ,
Vincent Sheenan
Paul Robeson
John T. Bernard
Louis B. Boudin
Z. Chaffee, Jr.
Muriel Draper
Quenten Reynolds
George Marshall
Elizabeth Dublin Marshall
Gardner Jackson
Alfred Kreymborg
Charles H. Houston
Dashiel Hammett
Prof. Horace M. Kallen
Ralph Roeder
Evelyn Adler
George Seldes
B. W. Huebsch
Hon. Vito Marcantonio
Bernard Denzer
J. A. MacCalluni
James L. Brewer
Hon. Dorothy Kenyon
Rev. Donald G. Lothrop
Arthur La Sueur
Bernard J. Stern
Aaron Copland
Hon. Stanley Isaacs
Prof. Harold C. Urey
James Thurber
Dr. Walter Briehl
Robert W. Dunn
Alexander Lehrman
Malcolm Cowley
Marc Blitzstein
Walter E. Hager
Albert Maltz
Margaret Lamont
Dr. Ernest P. Boas
Prof. Goodwin Watson
S. L. M. Barlow
Marguerite Zorach
William Zorach
Prof. II. P. Fairchild
Kyle Crichton
Anna Louise Strong
S. John Block
Anita Block
Dr. E. M. Bluestone
Arthur Kober
George H. Stover
Dr. Charles C. Webber
Frances B. Grant
Hortense M. Fagley
Alfred W. Bingham
Carl H. Levy
Mary Heaton Vorse
Louis Weisner
Edward L. Israel
Lillian Hellman
Louis F. McCabe
Arthur Emptage
C. D. Stevens
Bonnie Bird
Melvin Rader
Ralph Gundlach
William H. Morris
T. Addis
Helen Keller
Ada B. Taft
Jean Starr Untermeyer
E. A. Ross
F. O. Matthiessen
Dr. George Barsky
Belle Zeller
Van Wyck Brooks
Herman Shumlin
Prof. Robert S. Lynd
Mervyn Rathborne
Kirtley F. Mather
Lawrence S. Kubie
James Waterman Wise
Irwin Shaw
Dr. W. B. Cannon
Reuben Ottenberg
C. Fayette Taylor
Countee Cullen
Harvey O'Connor
Hon. Paul J. Kern
Nora Benjamin
Bennett Cerf
Dorothy Brewster
Fiorina Lasker
Stuart Davis
Clifford McAvoy
Charles Belous
Max Cleeber
William Gropper
Arnold Donawa
Brand Blanshard
Dr. Max Yergan
Prof. Vida D. Scudder
Isabel Walker Soule
Thomas E. Benner
Ephraim Cross
John F. Shepard
Langston Hughes
Morris Watson
Bertha C. Reynolds
Louis Untermeyer
Esther A. Untermeyer
C. S. Bacon
Howard Y. Williams
Lester Cohen
Edward Lamb
Tom Mooney
Rev. William Lloyd Imes
L. Eloesser
Dr. Harry Ward
Prof. Walter Rauten-
strauch
Hon. James H. Wolfe
Eda Lou Walton
Prof. Newton Arvin
1485
1486 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 2
National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc.,
New York, N. Y., November 16, 191,8.
Dear Friend : On Monday evening, December 13, the Very Reverend Hewlett
Johnson, Dean of Canterbury, and foremost leader in the democratic movement
for world peace, speaks at Madison Square Garden. This eminent churchman,
who will climax a month's tour of the United States with this rally, will present
his impressions of the American peace movement as it relates to the peace forces
of England and the continent. He will also report on his recent observations
of conditions in eastern Europe and his personal conversations with the leaders
of the new democracies.
We feel it is a rare privilege, indeed, for us to be able to present the Dean in
the first significant rally to follow the elections. We know you will appreciate
the importance of forcefully demonstrating, particularly before the new con-
gressional session, the people's will for peace through cooperation and friend-
ship with the Soviet Union.
The Ambassador from the Soviet Union, His Excellency Mr. Alexander S.
Panyushkin, will address the meeting. The meeting will also feature Paul Robe-
son, other well-known speakers and a program of entertainment.
As you may recollect, thousands were turned away from the Garden on the
occasion of the Dean's last visit here in 1945. Thus, to insure you proper ac-
commodations, we are enclosing an advance ticket order blank.
Won't you plan now to attend this rally for peace and reserve seats for your-
self and your friends?
Cordially yours,
Richard Morford, Executive Director.
RM ; rs
uopwa 16-39
enc.
Sponsors of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc.
Louis Adamic
George F. Addes
Maxwell Anderson
John Taylor Arms
Max Bedacht
Mrs. Alice S. Belester
Dr. Henry Lambert Bibby
Mrs. Louis Bloch
Mrs. Anita Block
Simon Braines
Prof. E. W. Burgess
Hon. Arthur Capper
Charles Chaplin
Hon. John M. Coffee
Dr. Henry S. Coffin
Aaron Copland
Norman Corwin
Jo Davidson
Hon. Joseph E. Davies
Dr. Herbert John Davis
Hon. Hugh DeLacy
Dr. Stephen Duggan
Prof. Albert Einstein
Max Epstein
Dr. Mildred Fairchild
Dr. Robert D. Feild
Lion Feuchtwanger
Rev. Joseph F. Fletcher
Homer Folks
Dr. W. Horsley Gantt
Dr. Caleb F. Gates, Jr.
Dean Christian Gauss
Ben Gold
Dr. Mortimer Graves
Dr. Harry Grundfest
Dr. Alice Hamilton
Lillian Hellman
Mrs. Thomas N. Hepburn
Dr. Leslie Pinckney Hill
Prof. William Ernest
Hocking
Dr. Walter M. Horton
Lanffston Hughes
Dr. Walter Hullihen
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs
Dr. Millard H. Jencks
Prof. Howard Mumford
Jones
Helen Keller
Rockwell Kent
Dorothy Kenyon
Dr. Serge Koussevitzky
Mrs. Thomas W. Lament
William W. Lancaster
1 >r. Emil Lengel
John F. Lewis, Jr.
Pn.f. Robert S. Lynd
Clifford T. McAvoy
Judge Lois Mary McBride
Maurice Maeterlinck
Fi'itz Mahler
Dr. Thomas Mann
Frank X. Martel
Dr. Kirtley F. Mather
Lewis Merrill
Dr. George R. Minot
Mis. Lucy Sprague
Mitchell
Dr. Wesley C. Mitchell
Charles Michael Mitzell
Pierre Monteux
Mine. Pierre Monteux
Bishop Arthur W.
Moulton
Hon. James E. Murray
Dr. Philip C. Nash
Dr. Robert Hastings
Nichols
Eugene O'Neill
Dr. Marion Edwards
Park
Dr. Frederick Douglas
Patterson
Bishop Malcom E.
Peabody
Hon. Claude Pepper
Prof. Ralph Barton Perry
Dr. E. C. Peters
Dr. John P. Peters
Henry W. Pope
Michael Quill
Carl Randau
Anton Refregier
Elmer Rice
Wallingford Riegger
Paul Kobeson
Col. Raymond Robins
Karl Robinson
Reid Robinson
Harold J. Rome
Joseph A. Rosen
Joseph A. Salerno
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1487
Sponsors of the National Council of American-Soviet Friendship, Inc. — Con.
Miles M. Sherover
Raymond P. Sloan
Dr. P. A. Sorokin
Maxwell S. Stewart
Leopold Stokowski
Raymond Swing
Genevieve Tabouis
Hon. Elbert D. Thomas
R. J. Thomas
Dr. Max Thorek
S. A. Trone
Phiilp II. Van Gelder
R. E. Van Horn
Prof. George Vernadsky
Bishop W.J. Wells
Dr. Harry F.Ward
Leroy Waterman
Max Weber
Dr. Henry N. Wieman
Dr. C. C. Williams
Hon. James H. Wolfe
1 >r. Max Yergan
Dean Mary Yost
Dr. J. J. Zmrhal
Leane Zugsinith
Exhibit No. 3
This ex'.iibir was not received by the reporter and was described by Senator
McCarthy as "a cordial invitation to attend a dinner and presentation of the first
annual award of the American-Russian Institute to President Franklin Roosevelt
for •Furthering American-Soviet Relations' " (transcript, p. 26).
Exhii;it No. 4
Executive Secretary. Prof. Donald McConnell
Secretary on Latin America, Dr. David Efron
Louis Adaniic
Dr. Wallace W. Atwood
Eleanor Copenhaver
Anderson
Prof. Hugo Fernandez
Artucio
Eunice Fuller Barnard
Alfred M. Bingham
Algernon Black
Bruce Bliven
Dr. Franz Boas
Heywood Broun
Erskine Caldwell
Charlotte Carr
Bennett A. Cerf
Evans Clark
Gifford A. Cochran
Dr. Gilberto Conception de
Gracia
Prof. George Counts
Malcolm Cowley
Prof. Horace Davis
Prof. Jerome Davis
R. E. Diffendorfer
Bailey W. Dime
Sponsors
Dr. William E. Dodd
Prof. Paul M. Douglas
Dr. Henry Grattan Doyle
John L. Elliott
Prof. Henry Pratt Fairchild
Prof. Irving Fisher
Prof. Eugene Forsey
Margaret Forsythe
Frances R. Grant
Alberto Grieve
Sidney Hillman
Prof. Arthur N. Holcombe
John Haynes Holmes
Quincy Howe
Langston Hughes
Rev. William Lloyd Imes
Stanley M. Isaacs
Gardiner Jackson
Prof. Chester L. Jones
Rockwell Kent
Dorothy Kenyon
Max Lerner
Marina Lopes
Jean Lyons
George Marshall
Lewis Merrill
Dr. Clyde R. Miller
Prof Gardner Murphy
William Pickens
A. Philip Randolph
Marvyn Rathborne
David Saposs
Prof. Margaret Schlauch
Adelaide Schulkiud
Guy Emery Shipler
James T. Shotwell
Upton Sinclair
George Soule
Isobel Walker Soule
Maxwell Stewart
Isidore F. Stone
Prof. D. J. Struik
William Wachs
Prof. Goodwin Watson
Roy Wilkins
Dr. Max Winkler
Dr. Stephen S. Wise .
Max Yergan
Conference on Pan American Democracy
Executive Offices : 156 Fifth Avenue, New York
Telephone : WAtkins 9-0420
december 10-11, 19.'is, hotel washington, washington, d. c.
November 16, 1938.
Dear Friends : Enclosed you will find a Call to the Conference on Pan-American
Democracy to be held in Washington on December tenth and eleventh.
On behalf of the Committee of Sponsors may I urge that your organization
make every effort to participate? The problem is a pressing one and the need
for some solution immediate.
We understand your organization has a very real concern with the inroads
that fascism is making in this hemisphere, and we believe you can make a valu-
1488 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
able contribution to our conference. If you can send representatives, please
inform us at once.
We are looking forward to meeting tbem in Washington.
Sincerely yours,
Donald McConnell.
Delegates : Bernard Stern, Harry Lamberton, William Phillips.
DM: EAL.
UOPWA.
Exhibit No. 5
Trustees
Roger Baldwin
Joseph Brodsky
Heywood Broun
Edwin B. Burgum
Malcolm Cowley
Paul P. Crosbie
Benjamin J. Davis, Jr.
Robert W. Dunn
Osmond K. Fraenkel
Rabbi Israel Goldstein
Alfred Hirsch
Charles Krumbein
Corliss Lamont
Leroy Peterson
Abraham Unger
James Waterman Wise
Le Roy Bowman
Sponsors
James Gifford
Berenice Abbott
Peggy Bacon
Maxwell Bodenheim
Kenneth Burke
Addison T. Cutler
Edward Dahlberg
Clifton Fadiman
James T. Farrell
Waldo Frank
Charles Fuller
Hugo Gellert
Mordecai Gorelik
Granville Hicks
Horace M. Kallen
Dorothy Kenyon
Carol Weiss King
Alfred Kreymborg
Emil Lengyel
Lewis Mumford
Gardner Rea
Adelade Schulkind
John Sloan
Harrison Smith
Otto Soglow
Raphael Soyer
Ralph Steiner
Katbryn Terrill
Mary Van Kleek
Edna Lou Walton
Harry L. Lurie
Chairman: Paul P. Crosbie Secretary: James Lechat
Political Prisoners Bail Fund Committee
new york city
154 Nassau Street, Room 1200
BEekman 3-8576
January 18, 1935.
Dear Friend : After reading the enclosed manifesto, we believe that you will
be with us and one of us. We therefore urge you to act. Of primary importance
to the large success of the Bail Fund is your attendance at the committee's first
invited guest meeting (ticket enclosed).
This meeting will be held on Thursday, January 31st, at 8.30, in the Orozco
Room of the New School for Social Research. Here the Bail Fund will be fully
explained. There will be a talk by John Spivak and short talks by Roger Bald-
win, Corliss Lamont and Heywood Broun. Also some words by Angelo Herndou
and two other outstanding victims of the present deplorable bail situation.
Again we say, if you are with us in our purpose, do not fail to come to this
meeting. Should this be impossible, however, will you avail yourself of the
enclosed form in order to make closer contact with us.
Sincerely,
The Political Prisoners Bail Fund Committee.
A common bail fund fur those arrested in the struagle of the working class, for the rights
of op/tressed minorities, in the fight against war and fascism
Exhibit No. 6
An Open Letter to Governor Thomas E. Dewey
[New York Times, October 9, 1944]
It has been well said, "By their deeds you shall know them."
There is a deed crying to be done in the State of New York today. A deed of
simple justice, humanity, and fair play.
It is in your power and yours alone to do this act.
We ask you to grant a pardon to Morris I'. Schappes.
We ask you to do this because the continued imprisonment of this teacher and
scholar can only be interpreted by many thoughtful Americans as political
persecution.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1489
Morris l". Schappes has passed 11 months of an 18- to 24-month sentence arising
from the 1940 Rapp-Couderl investigation of subversive activity in the New
York City schools. Morris Schappes told the committee he had heen a Com-
munist. They demanded the names of all the Communists at City College.
Morris Schappes named three others, who, with himself, were known as Com-
munists. Ho said he knew no others. The committee said there were over 40,
not 1. as Morris Schappes testified. They called Morris Schappes a perjuror.
He was convicted.
This was the crime !
Even the most exacting will concede that Morris Schappes, whom even his
enemies never accused of harming or even desiring to harm a single human being,
has suffered enough.
We are engaged in a war against the barbarian who would impose the
philosophy that an individual life is cheap. We are affirming in terrible battle
that a single life is precious. We say further, Mr. Governor, that 2 years of a
good man's life are precious and not to be taken away lightly.
The last years of agony have taught us that the conscience must never sleep.
"What is done to tbe least of us is the concern of all. That is why we cannot in
good conscience fail to raise our voice against this injustice in our midst.
That is why we appeal to you, Mr. Governor.
To you and you alone American justice provides power above and beyond the
Courts — the power of the chief executive to pardon.
We ask you to use this power to pardon Morris U. Schappes.
The deed would find favor in the eyes of the people, who love justice.
Prof. Thomas Addis, Stanford Univ.
Rabbi David Aronson ( Del. Am. Jewish
Congress), Minneapolis, Minn.
Rabbi Aaron Ashinsky (Del. Am. Jew-
ish Congress), Pittsburgh, Pa.
State Senator W. P. Atkinson, Seattle,
Wash.
Prof. Frank Baker, Pres. State Teach-
ers College, Milwaukee, Wis.
Rev. Lee H. Ball. Lake Mahopac, N. Y.
Prof. Francis M. Barbour, S. Illinois
State Teachers College, Carbondale,
111.
Prof. Fred A. Barnes, Cornell Univ.,
Ithaca, N. Y.
Prof. Marion Bauer. New York Univ.
Rev. Robert Baxter, Coeur d'Alene,
Idaho.
Prof. Jos. W. Beach, Dept. of English,
University of Minnesota.
Win. Rose Benet, writer.
Rabbi Solomon Bersel, Philadelphia,
Pa.
Prof. Dorothy Bethurum, Connecticut
College, New London, Conn.
Rev. Lyndon S. Beardslee, Westboro,
Mass.
Rev. Archie B. Bedford, Svracuse. N.
Y.
Bishop W. Y. Bell. Halsey Institute.
Dr. W. A. J. Bellrock, Pres. N. A. A.
C. P., Chickasha, Oklahoma.
Father Benedict, Church of the Cruci-
fix, New York City.
Milly Brandt, Legislative Chairman,
Women's Div. ; Am. Jewish Congress.
Prof. Ray O. Billington, Smith College,
Northampton, Mass.
Prof. Raymond T. Birge, Chairman,
Dept. of Physics, Univ. of Calif.,
Berkeley, Calif.
Brooklyn Col-
Ithaca,
Rev. Dr. Kalil A. Bishars, Syrian
Protestant Church of Greater N. Y.
Slielton Hale, Bishop, Rector, St. Phil-
lips Episcopal Church, New York.
Rev. Dr. Clarence Bleakney, Newark,
N. J.
Rabbi Maurice J. Bloom, Temple Beth
Jacob, Newburn, N. Y.
Prof. Bart Bok, Harvard Univ., Cam-
bridge, Mass.
Rev. Lester L. Boobar, Bangor, Maine.
Rev. W. Russell Bowie, Instructor,
Union Theological Seminary, New
York.
Prof. Edw. S. Boyer, Religion & So-
ciology, Millikin Univ., 111.
Millan Brand, writer.
Prof. Joseph Bressler,
lege, B'klyn, N. Y.
Prof. J. P. Brets, Cornell Univ.
N. Y.
James L. Brewer, Attorney, Rochester,
N. Y.
Prof. Dorothy Brewster, Columbia
Univ.
Rev. Edward H. Brewster, Nannet,
New Hampshire.
Prof. Edgar S. Brightman, Theological
School. Boston, Mass.
Louis Bromfield, writer.
Rev. Oliver Hart Bronson, D. D., Sum-
merland, Calif.
Prof. Chas. F. Brooks, Blue Hill Ob-
servatory, Harvard University, Cam-
bridge, Mass.
Dr. Charlotte Hawkins Brown, Pres.
Palmer Memorial Institute, Sedalia,
N. C.
Van Wyck Brooks, writer.
Rev. Robert Evans Browning, Vicar
Chapel of the Redeemer, Maryland.
1490
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Henrietta Buekinaster, writer.
Edwin T. Buchrer, Editor, Journal of
Liberal Religion.
Prof. Henry M. Burbage, Univ. of North
Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
E. A. Burdick, Dean of Students, Conn.
< iollege, New London, Conn.
Prof. Charles T. Barnet, Bowdoin Col-
lege, Brunswick, Maine.
Rev. Bates G. Burt, Rector, Pontiac,
Mich.
Prof. John L. Buys, St. Lawrence Univ.,
Canton, N. Y.
Witter, Bynner, poet.
Rev. Fred L. Cairns, Needham, Mass.
Rev. Raymond Calkins, Minister Emeri-
tus, Cambridge, Mass.
Prof. Alexander E. Canes, Mass. State
College, Amherst, Mass.
Prof. Nathaniel Canter, Univ. of Buf-
falo.
Rev. Francis C. Capossi, Wind Gap, Pa.
Edith F. Claflin, Columbia University.
E. N. Comfort, Dean of Oklahoma
School of Religion.
Rev. Kieth Conninr, Detroit, Mich.
Rabbi Jonah E. Caplan, Cong. Beth El,
Long Island.
Rev. J. Russell Carpenter, Lyons, N. Y.
Rev. Ruthven S. Chalmers, Boonville,
N. Y.
Alvin B. Christina n, State Director,
Penn. Farmers Union, Philadelphia,
Pa.
Rev. Merrill F. Clarks, New Canaan,
Conn.
Rabbi Henry Cohen, Galveston, Texas.
Chas. H. Collins, Exec. Secy., Negro
Labor Victory Com.
Aaron Copland, composer.
Prof. Fred A. Courts. Univ. of Missouri.
Pascal Coviei. publisher.
Prof. Philip W. L. Cox, N. Y. Univ.
Rev. Chas. E. Crak Jr., Pastor. Em-
manuel Episcopal Church, Louisville,
Ky.
Rev. Frank P.. Crandall, Salem, Mass.
Abraham Cronbach, Hebrew Union Col-
lege, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Prof. Ephraim Cross, College of City of
N. Y.
Margarel Cross. Director, Georgetown
House, Washington, D. C.
( lountee Cullen, poet.
Joseph Curran, Pres. Nat'] Maritime
Union, C. I. < >., N. y. Greater Indus-
trial Union Council.
W. C. Dabney, Editor, Cincinnati Union,
( 5inn., ( )hio.
Prof. George Dahl, Prof, of Old Testa-
ment, Yale Divinity School, New
I taven.
Thelma M. Dale, Pres. Nat'l Negro Con-
gress.
Henry W. Longfellow Dana, writer.
Prof. Margarel Darkow, Hunter College.
Benjamin J. Davis Jr., Councilman,
N. Y. C.
John W. Davis, Dean of Wesleyan Univ.
Rev. John Warren Day, Dean of Grace
Cathedral, Topeka, Kansas.
Rev. John De Benedetto, Baltimore, Md.
Albert Deutsch, columnist.
Rev. Albert C. Dieffenbach, Boston,
Mass.
Senator Chas. C. Digges, Detroit, Mich.
Rev. Truman Douglass, St. Louis, Mo.
Theodore Dreiser, writer.
Rev. Arthur Dumper, Dean of Trinity
Cathedral (retired), Newark, N. J.
Roscoe Dungee, Publisher, Black Dis-
patch.
Will Durant, writer.
Dr. Sherwood Eddy.
Rev. J. Earl Edwards, Queens Village,
New York.
Prof. Ruth Emerson, Dept. Medical So-
cial Work, Director Social Service
Dept.. Univ. of Chicago.
O. E. Enlield, County Attorney, Ellen
Co., Arnett, Okla.
Henrv Epstein (former), Solicitor-
GenT. New York State.
Katherine Ets. Asst. Librarian, Nat'l
City Bank, N. Y. C.
Jane Evans, Nat'l Fed. of Templehood
Sisters, Dir Nat'l Peace Conference.
Rev. John W. Findley, Univ. Presby-
terian Church, Purdue University,
Ind.
Rev. Judson E. Fiebiger, Utica, N. Y.
Rev. Arthur W. Farnum, St. Mary's
Parish, Asheville, N. C.
Prof. Henry P. Fairchild, New York
University.
Dorothy Canfield Fisher, writer.
Mrs. Mitchell Follansbee. League of
Women Voters, Fvanston, 111.
Prof. Frances A. Foster, Vasser College,
I'oughkeepsie, N. Y.
Waldo Frank, writer.
Elizabeth P. Frasier. Religious Educa-
tor, Protestant Episcopal Church,
Phila., Pa.
Rev. Stephen V. Fritchman, Boston,
Mass.
Rev. J. Shubert Frye. Syracuse, N. Y.
Prof. Wendell Furry, Harvard Univ.
Rev. I.ee Alvin Gates, Pastor, South
Presbyterian Church, Buffalo, N. Y.
Eustace (Jay, Editor. "Philadelphia
Tribune."
Rev. Palfrey Perkins. Kings Chapel,
Boston, Mass.
Wm. I. Gibson, Managing Editor, Afro-
American Newspapers.
Rev. Carlyle Glams, Editor. The Presby-
terian Tribune, Utica, N. Y.
Leonard E. Golditch, Attorney, Chair-
man. Xat'l Council to Combat Anti-
Semitism.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1491
Sol Goldman 1 1 >el. to Amer. Jewish Con-
gress), Progressive Order of the West.
Rabbi Solomon Goldman, Zionist Org. of
America, Chicago, 111.
Prof. Erwin B. Goodenough, Dept. His-
tory & Region, Vale University.
Prof. Everett W. Goodhue, Dartmouth
College, Hanover, N. H.
Rabi Robt. Gordis, Rockaway Pk., L. I.
Julian Goodman (Del, to Am. Jewish
Congress), Troy, N. Y.
Dr. David Graubart, North Park Con-
gregation, Shaare Tikvoh, Chicago,
111.
Rev. Chas. S. Gray. Stamford, Conn.
Prof. Rowland Gray Smith, Prof, of
Philosophy, Emerson College, Mass.
Rabbi Louis Greenberg, New Haven,
Conn.
Rabbi Simon Greenberg, Phila., Pa.
Rev. Stanley Gutellus, Rochester, N. Y.
Rabbi Sidney S. Guthman, Chelsea,
Mass.
Rev. Herman J. Hahn, Buffalo, N. Y.
Rabbi J. Louis Hahn, Cong. Mt. Sivari,
A. E. Pres. Rabbinical Council, Upper
Wash. Hts. & Inwood, N. Y.
Prof. S. Ralph Harlow, Chairman Dept.
of Religion, Smith College, Northamp-
ton, Mass.
Rabbi Harry Halpern, B'klyn, N. Y.
Roswell, G. Han, President, Mt. Hol-
yoke College, Mt. Holyoke, Mass.
Wm. P. Hapgood, President, Columbia
Conserve Co., Inc., Indianapolis, Ind.
Lucius C. Harper, Exec. Editor, The
Chicago Defender.
Mrs. Anton S. Harrington, Farmers
Union, Schoharie Co. Com., N. Y.
M. Lafayette Harris. Pres., Philander
Smith College, Little Rock, Ark.
Wm. Harrison, Assoc. Editor, Boston
Chronicle".
Rev. Edler G. Hawkins, N. Y. C.
Prof. A. Gordon Hayes. Dept. of Eco-
nomics, Ohio State Univ.
Ben Hecht, writer.
Rev. Clifford W. Hilliker, Middletown,
N. Y.
Mary E. Holland, Exec. Secy. Children's
Aid, Denver, Colo.
Dr. Eugene C. Holms, Howard Univ.
Rev. Kenneth E. Hoover, Hobart, N. Y.
Prof. Harold Hotelling, Columbia Univ.,
N. Y. C.
Charles H. Houston, Attorney, Wash-
ington, D. C.
Daniel Howard, Supt. of Schools, Emeri-
tus, Windsor, Conn.
Rev. Lee A. Howe, Jr., Oneida, N. Y.
Rev. Duncan Howlett, New Bedford,
Mass.
Langston Hughes, writer, poet.
Mattie Hunter, Natl Council of Negro
Women.
Joseph Hyman, Jewish Federation, Indi-
anapolis, Ind.
Hulan E. Jack, New York State As-
semblyman.
Sam Jaffee, actor.
David D. Jones, Pres. Binnell College,
Greensboro, N. C.
Matthew Josephson, writer.
Rabbi Mordecai M. Kaplan, Society for
the Advancement of Judaism.
Prof. Raymond Kennedy, Dept. of So-
ciology, Yale University.
Rockwell, Kent, artist.
Judge Dorothy Kenyon, New York.
Freda Kirchway, Editor, "The Nation".
Rev. Stephen L. Kiser, Richmond Hill,
N. Y.
Harold V. Knight, Editor, North Da-
kota Union Farmer.
Rev. Carl Knudson, Plymouth, Mass.
Rev. C. Franklin Koch, New York City.
Prof. Michael Kraus, College of City of
N. Y.
Rev. Alfred M. Lambert, St. Monica's
Church, Hartford, Conn.
Rev. John Howland Lathrop, Church of
Our Savior, New York City.
Prof. Walter Landauer, Univ. of Conn.
Paula Laurence, actress.
John Howard Lawson, screen writer,
Hollywood.
Canada Lee, actor.
Prof. Paul Lehman, Bibical History,
Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass.
Ray Lev, pianist.
Prof. Norman Levinson, Mass. Inst, of
Technology.
Rabbi Israel Herbert Levinthal, D. D. ;
D. H. L., B'klyn Jewish Center.
Rabbi Benj. A. Lichter, Cong. B'nai
Israel, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Louis Lipsky, Amer. Jewish Conference
& Del. to Amer. Jewish Congress.
Rabbi Emmanuel Lederman, Denver,
Colorado.
Frank Marshall Louis, Assoc. Negro
Press.
Rev. Moses B. Lovell, B'klyn, N. Y.
Rev. Sidney Lovell, Chaplain, Yale Univ.
Harry L. Lurie, Former Dir. Council
Jewish Fed. & Welfare Funds. New
York City.
Florence H. Lascomb, Civil Liberties
Union, Cambridge, Mass.
Rev. Dr. John A. McCallum, Philadel-
phia, Pa.
Bishop Francis J. McConnell, Lucasville,
Ohio.
James H. McGill, McGill Mfg. Co., Val-
paraiso, Ind.
Rev. Chas. F. MacLennan, Cleveland,
Ohio.
John T. McManus, Movie Critic, New
York City.
Rev. Walter Henry MacPherson, S. T. A.,
Past Pres. of the Universalist Church
of America.
Prof. W. H. Mainwaring, Emeritus,
Stanford Univ., Calif.
1492 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Rabbi Jerome Malino, Danbury, Conn.
Albert Malt/., writer, Hollywood.
Rep. Vito Marcantonio, Congressman,
N. Y. C.
George Marshall, Nat'l. Fed. of Consti-
tutional Liberties, N. ft". C.
George Matis, Farmers Union, St. Johns-
ville. N. Y.
Prof. F. O. Matthieson, Harvard Univ.
Rev. Win. H. Melish, Church of the Holy
Trinity, N. Y. C.
Rev. Harry C. Mesine, Buffalo, N. Y.
Rabbi Israel Miller, Bronx, N. Y.
Erin O'Brien-Moore, actress.
Julian Morgenstern, President, Hebrew
Union College, Cincinnati, Ohio.
Prof. Margaret S. Morris, Pembroke
College in Brown Univ., Providence,
R. I.
Prof. H. Nethercot, Northwestern Univ.
Prof. Robt. H. Nichols, Union Theologi-
cal Seminary.
Rev. Chas. C. Noble, Syracuse, N. Y.
Mrs. Josephine Nordstrand, Exec. Secy.
Wisconsin State Conf. on Soc. Leg.
Senator Stanley Nowak, Michigan, 21st
District.
Rev. Delos O'Brien, Wilmington, Dela-
ware.
Judge Patric H. O'Brien, Detroit, Mich.
Sono Osato, dancer.
H. A. Overstreet, Prof. Emeritus, C. C.
N. Y.
Ruth H. Page, Stowe College Alumni, St.
Louis, Mo.
Rev. George L. Paine, Cambridge, Mass.
State Rep. Wm. J. Pennock, Pres. Wash-
ington Pension Union, Seattle, Wash.
Angeline E. Phillips, Recording Secy.
Community Church, Berks Co., Pa.
Harriet Ida Pickens, Nat'l. Bus & Prof.
Council, Y'. W. C. A., N. Y. C.
Martin Popper, Nat'l. Lawyers Guild,
N. Y. C.
Elizabeth L. Porter, Case Supervisor,
Family Service Soc, New Orleans, La.
Pmf. Kenneth W. Porter, Vassar Col-
lege.
Rev. Edwin McNeill Poteal, Rochester,
N. Y.
Dr. Adam Clayton Powell, Jr., Editor
"Peoples Voice," Congressional Nomi-
nee'.
Rev. Irving E. Putnam, Association of
Wesley .Methodist Churches, Minneap-
olis, Minn.
Michael J. Quill, N. Y. C. Councilman,
Pres. Transport Workers Union.
Senator Thomas C. Robbins, 35th Dis-
trict, Seattle, Wash.
Prof. Walter Kautenst ranch, Columbia
University.
Rev. Daniel Lyman Didont, Phila., Pa.
Mary W. Rittenbouse, Ii'klvn Bureau of
Charities, N. Y. C.
Paul Robeson, actor, singer.
Dr. Henry B. Robins, Colgate-Rochester
Divinity School, Rochester, N. Y.
Earl Robinson, composer, Hollywood.
Sol S. Rodin. Secy., Brith Achim Assoc,
Edwin A. Rurit, Sage School of Philoso-
phy, Cornell Univ., Ithica, N. Y.
Prof. George Sarton, Harvard Univ.
Col. Wm. Jay Schieffelin.
Prof. Margaret Schlauch, N. (Y. U.
Helen S. Sellers. Member of Conn.
House of Rep. (1941-42).
Rabbi Max Shapiro, Miama. Fla.
Rev. Arthur Shenefelt, Norwood, Ohio.
Prof. John F. Shepard, Pres. Civil
Rights Fed., Detroit, Mich.
Dr. Guy Emery Shipler, Editor, The
( 'hurchman.
Prof. George H. Shull, Princeton, Univ.,
Princeton, N. J.
Eva Smill, Exec. Secy., Family Service
Soc, New Orleans. La.
Mason Smith, Editor, "The Interracial
Review".
Rev. F. Hastings Smyth, Superior, The
Society of the Catholic Common-
wealth, Cambridge, Mass.
Mrs. Samuel Spiegel, Nat'l Women's
League of United Synagogues.
Prof. Bertha K. Stavrianos, Smith Col-
lege, Northampton, Mass.
J. Stanley Stevens, Chaplain, U. S. N.
R.
Donald Ogden Stewart, writer, Holly-
wood.
Prof. Dirk J. Struik, Mass. Inst, of
Technology.
Rev. Harold C. Swezy, Church of Holy
Apostle, N. Y. C.
Prof. Jessie M. Tatlock, Mt. Holyoke,
College.
Prof. Alva Taylor. Secy., Southern Conf.
for Human Welfare, Nashville, Tenn.
Janet Thornton, Director, Social Serv-
ice, Presbyterian Hospital, N. Y. C.
Rev. Joseph H. Titus, Jamaica, N. Y.
Rep. Nicholas Tomassetti, Rep. from
New Britain to Conn. General Assem-
bly.
Judge Edward V. Totten.
Rabbia Joshua Trachtenberg.
Jim Tully. writer.
Mark Van Doren,. writer.
John Van Druten, playwright.
Pierre Van Paassen, writer, journalist.
Oswald Garrison Villard. writer.
Prof. Eda Lou Walton, x. Y. University.
Rabbi Juda Washer, New Kensington,
Pa.
Prof. Harry F. Ward. Union Theolo-
logical Seminary.
M. Moran Weston, Chairman, N. Y.
State Civil Liberties, Dept. N. Y.
State Elks Assoc.
Prof. F. W. Weymouth, Stanford Univ.
Prof. Philip E. Wheelwright, Dart-
mouth College.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1493
Prof George F. Whicher, Amherst Col- Dr. Abraham Wolfson, Pres., Jewish
le„.e Social Service Bureau, Newark, N. J.
Rev. John C. White, Bishop of Spring- Prof. Theresa Wolfson, B'klyn College.
field Illinois Prof. Thomas Woody, Prof, of Educa-
Doxv Wilkerson, Exec. Editor "Peoples tion Univ. of Pa., Phila Pa- -
U. „ Mary E. Woolley, President Emerita,
Robt. Wilkerson, Exec. Secy Negro p^ iS^.^^man, Prof, of Phi-
Welfare Assn., Anderson, Ind. losophy of Religion, Univ. of Chicago.
Rev. C. Lawson Williard Jr., Trimly Prof Paul Thomas Young, Univ. of II-
Episcopal Church. New Haven, Conn. linois.
Rev. David Rhys Williams, Rochester, Rabbi S. M. Zampowsky, Cleveland,
N. Y. Ohio.
Rabbi Samuel Wohl, Cincinnati, Ohio. Wm. Zorach, sculptor.
Organizations listed for identification purposes. 500 names unlisted for reasons
of space.
Exhibit No. 7
[Daily Worker, February 10, 1938]
Leading Citizens Laud Isaacs' Stand on Gerson
Condemning the "witch-hunting campaign" organized against Borough Presi-
dent Stanley M. Isaacs for his appointment of S. W. Gerson, former Daily Worker
reporter as an assistant on his staff, 47 prominent citizens last night signed
a letter to the Borough President supporting him in his determination to appoint
competent persons to office.
The letter, released for publication by Tom Cassidy, vice president of the
American Newspaper Guild and Daily News staff writer, carries the names of
outstanding liberals, trade-unionists, educators, and clergymen.
The text of the letter and names of the signers follow :
Dear Mr. Isaacs :
We, the undersigned, citizens of different shades of opinion, emphatically con-
demn the witch-hunting campaign organized against you for the appointment
of Simon W. Gerson to your staff.
AVe look upon the current inspired agitation against you — which bears the
earmarks of some of the propaganda so discredited and overwhelmingly repudi-
ated in the last election — as a threat to the whole merit system in public service.
It is the first step which leads to the institution of political qualifications within
the entire city service. If the present agitation is successful, the next logical
step is the institution of a system of political discrimination within the Civil
Service system. How far is that from the malodorous method of choosing public
servants from political clubhouse backrooms?
1494 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
We urge you to stand firm against this attempt to attack appointments on the
merit basis. We support you — as do thousands of liberal though inarticulate
citizens — in your determination to maintain your right to appoint competent
persons to office, irrespective of political outlook, a right won by the citizens of
New York only after years of struggle against corrupt political influence.
Sincerely yours,
Daniel Allen. Regional Director. State. County, and Municipal Em-
ployes Assn. ; Recorder John K. Ackley, City College of New
York: Dr. Helen Adams. Hunter College; William Albertson, Sec-
cretary. Local 16, Waiters and Waitresses Union; Prof. Edwin B.
Burgum. Washington Square College, N. Y. U. : Prof. Theodore
Brameld, Adelphi College : Samuel Berland, Mgr.. Laundry Work-
ers Union ; Michael J. Quill. City Councilman : Dr. Harry F. Ward,
Union Theological Seminary ; Rev. Bradford Young: Rev. William
B. Spofford; Rev. Lawson Willard. Jr.. Past County Chaplain,
American Legion. Queens County: Rev. A. Clayton Powell. Jr.;
Miss Helen Murray, Associate Secretary. Methodist Federation of
Social Service; Samuel A. Robbins, Chairman. Council of U. S.
Veterans and American Legionnaire : Dorothy Kenyon. Consumers
Union: Vito Marcantonio. former Congressman: Tom Cassidy,
Vice-President Newspaper Guild: Carl Randau, President. News-
paper Guild; Austin Hogan, President, N. Y. Local Transport
Workers Union ; Alexander Hoffman, Manager. Cleaners and
Dyers Union ; George Wishnack, Coordinator, International
Ladies Garment Workers Union: Ashley Patten, Executive Secre-
tary, Pullman Porters; Louis Weinstock, Secretary-Treasurer,
District Council 9. Painters and Decorators; David Freed. Sec-
retary. Local 802, American Federation of Musicians: Eugene P.
Connolly. Organizer, Transport Workers Union: Jonathan Eddy,
Executive Vice-President Newspaper Guild: Victor Pasche, Secre-
tary-Treasurer. Newspaper Guild: Mervyn Rathborne, President,
American Communications Association: Harry Gewirtzman, Man-
ager. Pocket-Book Workers Union : Samuel Kramberg, Local 302,
Hotel and Restaurant Workers Alliance: Irving Potash. Manager,
Joint Council Furriers Union; Ben Golden. Labor Arbitrator;
Vera Montgomery) Editor and Publisher, Yorkville Advance ; Prof.
John L. Childs. Teachers College: Prof. Robert K. Speer. Washing-
ton Square College: Dr. John McAlpin Miller. Long Island Uni-
versity; Dr. John T. Thirwall. City College of New York; Prof.
Margaret Schlauch, New York University: Prof. Lyman R.
Bradley. New York University ; Prof. Beryl Parker. New York
University; Prof. V. J. McGill, Hunter College: Prof. Howard
Selam, Brooklyn College: Malcolm Cowley, Editor, New Re-
public: Eda Lou Walton, poet and critic: Dr. Charles A. Hendley,
President. Teachers Union : Julia Church Kolar, Executive Board
Member, Descendants of the American Revolution.
Exhibit No. 8
League of Women Shoppers,
>
NEW YORK
(Photostat not legible — retained in subcommittee files.)
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1495
Exnirm No. 9
Chairman: William E. Dodd, Jr. Treasurer: S. D. Douglas
Executive Secretary: Leonard S. Beller
Advisers on Anti-Nazi Literature : Prince Hubertus zu Loewenstein
(German Catholic Leader)
Dr. Kurt Rosenfeld (Former Minister of Justice in Prussia)
Carleton Beals
T. A. Bisson
Harriet stauton Blatch
Anita Block
S. John Block
Prof. Franz Unas
Dr. Barrett H. Clark
Prof. Thomas C. Cochran
Malcolm Cowley
Kar.' Crane-Gartz
Dr. Walter Danirosch
Prof. John Dewey
Sponsors
Dr. John Lovejov Elliott
Dr. H. C. Engelbrecht
.Martha Graham
Prof. Albert Guerard
Prof. Alice Hamilton
Moss Hart
I. A. Hirsohmaiin
Rockwell Kent
Dorothv Kenvon
Prof. Wm. H. Kilpatrick
Freda Kirchwey
Justice Anna M. Kross
Judge S. D. Levy
Prof. Eduard C. Landsman
Prof. R. M. Maclver
Annie Nathan Meyer
Lewis Mumford
Dr. Henry Neumann
Prof. Fredrick L. Schuman
R S-
Dr.
-Philip Silver
Van Doren
Lillian D. Wald
American Committee for Anti-Nazi Literature
Suite 302—20 Vesey Street
NEW YORK CITY
REctor 2-5867
Cable Address : LITCOM
March 24, 1939.
American Civil Liberties Union,
Neic York City
Gentlemen: May we have your opinion on the enclosed bill. We would ap-
preciate a prompt reply.
Thanking you for your cooperation, we are
Sincerely yours,
Leonard S. Beller, Executive Secretary.
LB: EL.
Exhibit No. 10
American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom,
New York City, January 11, 1940.
Hon. Martin Dies,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Congressman : On the basis of a careful analysis of the proceedings
and releases of the Dies Committee, copy of which I am enclosing, the American
Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom has come to the conclusion
that the further existence of the Dies Committee would constitute a serious threat
to intellectual freedom and civil rights in the United States. In our analysis we
present thorough documentation to substantiate this contention.
We have also submitted to the Speaker of the House petitions urging the dis-
continuance of the Dies Committee, signed by 5,672 American citizens, largely
from the academic and related fields. Further signatures will be transmitted
this week. Among the signers of this petition are twelve college presidents, six
college deans, and many other leaders of American culture and professional life.
I am enclosing a copy of the petition blank and a list of the outstanding signa-
tories for your consideration.
Respect fully yours,
Franz Boss, National Chairman.
Among the Signatories to the Fetition Sponsored by American Committee
for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies
Committee
Frank E. Baker, President, Milwaukee State Teachers College
Rufus E. Clement, President, Atlanta University
Clarence M. Dykstra, President, University of Wisconsin
1496 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Among the Signatories to the Petition Sponsored by American Committee
fob Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies
Com m ittee — Continued
William Allied Eddy, President, Hobart and William Smith Colleges
Guy Stanton Ford, President, University of Minnesota
George Willard Frasier, President, Colorado State College of Education
Ralph K. Hickok, President, Western College
Raymond A. Kent, President, University of Louisville
Frank Kingdon, President, University of Newark
William A. Neilson, Former President, Smith College
Walter Dill Scott, Former President, Northwestern University
Mary E. Woolley, Former President, Mt. Holyoke College
Harold C. Urey, Nobel laureate in chemistry, Columbia
John Dewey, Professor emeritus of Philosophy
Charles A. Beard, Former President, American Historical Association
J. McKeen Cattell, Editor, "Science"
Francis .1. McConnell, Bishop, Methodist Church
Paul U. Kellogg. Editor, "Survey Graphic''
Olin Downes, Music Critic, "The New York Times"
Jonathan Daniels, Editor, "Raleigh News & Observer"
Paul Robeson, Singer and actor
Zachariah Chafee, Jr., Professor, Harvard University
Paul J. Kern, President, Municipal Civil Service Commission of N. Y. C.
Charlotte Carr, Head, Hull House, Chicago
Edith Abbott, Dean, University of Chicago School of Social Service
Ned II. Dearborn, Dean, New York University
Christian Gauss, Dean, Princeton University
Malcolm S. McLean, Dean, University of Minnesota
Frank L. Mott, Dean, University of Iowa
Carl Wittke, Dean, Oberlin College
Mary Antin, Author
Joseph Warren Peach, Author
Van Wyck Brooks, Author
Lilliam Hellman, Author
Inez Haynes Irwin, Author
Emil Lengyel, Author
Elmer Rice, Author
Ralph Boeder, Author
William Carlos Williams, Author
Henry Pratt Fairchild, Professor, New York University
Randolph B. Smith, Director, Cooperative School for Teachers
Sophronisba P. Breckenridge, Former President, American Association of Schools
of Social Work
Comfort A. Adams, Former President, American Institute of Electrical Engineers
Oswald Veblem. Former President, American Mathematical Society
John P. Peters, Secretary, Committee of Physicians for Improvement of Medical
Care
A. M. Schlesinger, Vice-President, American Historical Association
W. II. Malison", Editor, "Philosophy of Science"
Ellsworth Huntington, Professor, Yale University
Edward C. Tolman„ Professor, University of California
George I'. Adams, Professor, University of California
Ralph Linton, Editor, "The American Anthropologist"
W. A. Oldfather, Former President, American Philological Association
Walter R. Hager, Secretary, Teachers College, Columbia University
John F. Fulton, Yale Medical School
Ralph Barton Perry, Author. Pulitzer Prize biography of William James
Clyde Eagleton, Professor, New York University
Karl Menninger, Director, Psychiatric Clinic, Topeka, Kansas
Robert s. Lynd, Professor, Columbia University
Fred L. Redefer, Secretary, Progressive Education Association
[Ialford E. Luccock, Professor, Yale Divinity School
Alice Hamilton, Professor emeritus. Harvard Medical School
Vida I >. Scudder, Professor, Wellesley College
Eugene W. Lyman, Professor, Union Theological Seminary
D. W. Prall, Professor, Harvard University
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1497
Among the Signatories to the Petition Sponsored by American Committee
for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies
Committee — Continued
A. J. Carlson, Former President, American Physiological Society
Paul F. Gemmill, Professor, University of Pennsylvania
Edgar Dale, Professor. Ohio Slate University
Lester Dix. Principal, Lincoln School
V. T. Thayer, Educational Director. Ethical Culture Schools
Hairy J. Carman, Pro lessor, Columbia University.
Gortwin Watson. Professor, Columbia University.
L. G. Earth. Professor, Columbia University.
Dorothy Douglas, Professor, Smith College.
Frank H. Hankins, Professor, Smith College.
Hadley Contril, Professor, Princeton University.
Roy Dickinson Welch, Professor, Princeton University.
Hirtley F. Mather, Director, Harvard University, Summer School.
Morris R. Cohen, Professor, College of the City of New York.
Harry A. Overstreet, Professor, College of the City of New York.
Jerome Davis, Former President. American Federation of Teachers.
Robert Iglehart, Vice President, American Federation of Teachers.
Alonzo F. Myers. President. New York College Teachers Union.
Max Lerner, Professor. Williams College.
Jesse H. Holmes, Professor, Swarthmore College.
George Soule, Editor. "The New Republic".
Malcolm Cowley, Editor, "The New Republic".
Freda Kirchwey, Editor, "The Nation".
Maxwell S. Stewart, Editor, "The Nation".
Victor Weybright, Editor, "Survey Graphic".
Frank C. Bancroft, Editor, "Social Work Today".
Dashiel Hammett, Author.
Leone Zugsmith, Author.
Arthur Koher, Author.
Countee Cullen, Poet.
Matthew Josephson, Author.
Joan Starr Untermeyer, Poet.
Alfred Kreymborg, Author.
Donald Ogden Stewart, President, League of American Writers.
Lewis Mumford, Author.
Herman Shumlin, Producer.
AV. W. Norton, Publisher.
Vilhjalmur Stefansson, Past President, Explorers Club.
Mario Romaet-Rosenoff, Musician.
Aaron Copland, Composer.
Lehman Engel, Musician.
Rockwell Kent, Artist.
Morris Carnovsky, Actor.
Oliver D. Fargo, Author
Philip Loeb, Actor
Max Yergan, Secretary, International Institute for African Affairs
Charles Bolous, Former Councilman, New York City
Dorothy Kenyon, Former Justice, New York City
Hugh DeLacy, Councilman, Seattle
Justine- Miso Polier, Justice, New York City
Nicholas Tomassetti, Representative, Connecticut
William Lloyd Imes, Reverend, New York City
John Howard Lathrop, Reverend, Brooklyn, New York
Mary Van Kloock, Russell Sage Foundation
Mrs. Rachel Davis-Dubois, Service Bureau for Intercultural Education
Dr. Bernard Glucek, Psychiatrist
John B. Andrews, Secretary, American Association for Labor Legislation
J. F. Dashiell, Professor, University of North Carolina
Edward A. Ross, Professor emeritus. University of Wisconsin
W. H. Manwaring, Professor emeritus, Columbia University
Willystine Goodsell, Professor emeritus, Teachers College, Columbia University
Mitchell Franklin, Professor, Tulane Uniro—'ty
1498 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
\M<».\(; THE SlGNVTORIES TO THE PETITION SPONSORED BY AMERICAN COMMITTEE
for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom to Discontinue the Dies
Committee — Continued
Harry Elmer Barnes, Historian and Journalist
Edwin G. Boring, Professor, Harvard University
Rev. Alfred W. Swan, Madison, Wisconsin
Sera Bard Field, Poet
Charles Erskine Scott Wood, Writer
S. Stephenson Smith, Professor, University of Oregon
James B. Carey, Secretary, C. I. O.
Charles William Taussig, Chairman, National Advisory Committee
Martha Dodd, Writer
William E. Dodd, Former Embassador to Germany
George Seldes, Author
C. E. Ficken, Dean, Macalester College
Exhibit No. 11
James Waterman Wise, Chairman Isobel Walker Soule, Executive Secretary
Sarah Jackson Smith, Secretary-Treasurer
Advisory Committee
Stella Adler
Helen Alfred
Leroy Bowman
Rebecca Grecht
J. B. S. Hardman
Mary W. Hillyer
Lawrence Hosie
Grace Hutchins
John Paul Jones
Dorothy Kenyon
Freda Kirchwey
Harry W. Laidler
Margaret I. Lamont
Grace Lumpkin
Vito Marcantonio
Reinhold Niebuhr
Clifford Odets
Evelyn Preston
Margaret Schlauch
Sarah Jackson Smith
Isobel Walker Soule
Robert Speer
Eda Lou Walton
Bertha Pool Weyl
James Waterman Wise
Theresa Wolfson
Citizens Committee to Aid Striking Seamen
227 West 22nd Street
NEW YORK CITY
CHelsea 2-9786
January 28, 1937.
Dear Friend : The East Coast Seamen have called off the strike. They have
won some concessions. This decision will help the West Coast Seamen bring
their strike to a more successful end. This action has been commended by the
N. L. R. B. Hearings are being continued by them.
Now, the seamen are trying to get their jobs back. Many are already on the
high seas, while others here are carrying on the fight against discrimination,
lockout, blacklist and the Copeland Bill. These men are still without shelter,
food and clothing. In addition to the East Coast men. about 1,000 Pacific Coast
strikers who struck when their vessels reached Eastern shores, are without
resources.
These men are entirely dependent on our Soup Kitchen at 338 W. 25th St. for
food. Debts tor pas. electricity, and oilier essentials threaten its existence.
You have shown your warm-hearted interest in the men by your contributions
dining the strike. We appeal to you now — to help these men who conducted an
heroic, epoch-making battle for 84 long, cold winter days. Many of these men
are ill due to exposure and undernourishment.
All we ask you to, do is send a small contribution of. say. one, two or five
dollars, to tide over a difficult back-to-work period.
Won't you give your answer today? Please do take out your pen and write
your check- as soon as you read this letter.
Very sincerely yours,
Secretary, Citizens' Committee to M<l Striking Seamen.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1499
Executive Committee :
Dr. Worthy M. Tippy,
Honorary Presidenl
Prof. Henry Pratt Fair-
child. President
Gardner Jackson, Vice
President
Robert K. Speer, Treas-
urer
Samuel J. Rodman, Sec-
retary
Edward K. Kern, Direc-
tor of Activities
Algernon Black
Hadley Cantril
Ned II. Dearborn
Dr. Sidney E. Goldstein
Helen Hall
Rita Hochheimer
A. J. Isserman
Spurgeon Keeny
Clyde Miller
Dudley Nichols
Louise Pearson
Etta Schneider
Mark Starr
Katherine Terrill
Mrs. Joseph L. White
Ex hi in r No. 12
Advisory Board
Sherwood Anderson
James W. Angel]
Louis Adamic
Thurman Arnold
Vicki Baum
William R. Benet
Franz Boas
Louis Bromfield
.lames L. Brewer
Dr. A. A. Brill
Heywood Broun
Senator Arthur Capper
.Mate Connelly
Humphrey Cobb
Olin Downes
William E. Dodd
Theodore Dreiser
Walter Pric hard Eaton
Dorothy Canfleld Fisher
Abraham Flexner
( (smoiid K. Fraenkel
Edwin Franko Goldman
Rev. Ernest G. Guthrie
Dashiell Hammett
Lillian Hellman
Jesse H. Holmes
Mrs. Sheppard Homans
William K. Howard
Mrs. Harold L. Ickes
Rex Ingram
Stanley M. Isaacs
Horace M. Kallen
Dorothy Kenyon
Paul J. Kern
Freda Kirchwey
Fritz Lang
Robert D. Leigh
Irene Lewisohn
Robert Morss Lovett
Thomas Mann
Fredric March
Philip Merivale
Dudley Murphy
W. W. Norton
Lee Pressman
Will Rogers, Jr.
Alex Rose
John Rothschild
Wm. J. Schieffelin
Viola Brothers Shore
Rabbi Abba Hillel Silver
Rexford G. Tugwell
Lillian D. Wald
Walter White
Mary E. Woolley
Film Audiences for Democracy
342 Madison Ave.
NEW YORK CITY
Phone VAnderbilt 6-3660
October 20, 1939.
Mr. Victor Riesel,
Managing Editor, The Neiv Leader Publishing Association,
New York City.
Dear Mr. Riesel : Mr. Kern requests me to say that he is speaking more or less
extemporaneously from a handful of notes at the Rand School, Monday.
If you wish to have your stenographer cover that it is agreeable to Mr. Kern.
Yours truly,
Fleet Munson.
To Encourage films that uphold American democracy, civil liberties, and peace; that pro-
mote better understanding and improve neighborly relations between racial and re-
ligious groups ; that present an accurate, undistorted as well as a socially useful por-
trayal of the contemporary scene. To Oppose all totalitarian trends, attacks on labor,
and films contrary to the principles of the Bill of Rights
Vol. 1, No. 2
Exhibit No. 13
Films for Democracy
April 1939
NEW YORK CITV
A nonprofit membership organization dedicated to
and distribution of truthful, fearless films which
American Democracy.
President :
Dr. Henry Pratt Fair-
child
Vice President :
Gardner Jackson
Treasurer :
Dr. Robert K. Speer
Secretary :
Samuel J. Rodman
Executive committee :
Hadley Cantril
Ned H. Dearborn
Helen Hall
A. J. Isserman
Clyde Miller
Dudley Nichols
Louise Pearson
Mark Stan-
Mrs. Joseph L. White
encouraging the production
safeguard and strengthen
Advisory Board :
Sherwood Anderson
James W. Angell
Louis Adamic
Thurman Arnold
Vicki Baum
William B. Benet
Franz Boas
Louis Bromfield
68970 — 50 — pt. •_»-
1500
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Advisory board — Con.
James L. Brewer
A. A. Brill
Heywood Broun
Senator Arthur Cap-
per
Marc Connelly
Humphrey Cobb
Olin Downes
William E. Dodd
Theodore Dreiser
Walter Prichard Ea-
ton
Dorothy Canfield
Fisher
Abraham Flexner
Osmond K. Fraenkel
Edwin Franko Gold-
man
Advisory board — Con.
Rev. Ernest G. Guth-
rie
Dashiell Hammett
Lillian Hellman
Jesse H. Holmes
Mrs. SLeppard Ho-
mans
William K. Howard
Mrs. Harold L. Ickes
Rex Ingram
Stanley M. Isaacs
Horace M. Kallen
Dorothy Kenyon
Freda Kirchwey
Fritz Lang
Robert D. Leigh
Irene Lewisohn
Robert Morss Lovett
Advisory board — Con.
Fredric March
Thomas Mann
Philip Merivale
Dudley Murphy
W. W. Norton
Lee Pressman
John Rothschild
Will Rogers, Jr.
Win. J. Schieffelin
Viola Brothers Shore
Rabbi Abba Hillel
Silver
Rexford G. Tugwell
Lillian D. Wald
Walter F. Wagner
Walter White
Mary E. Woolley
Exhibit No. 14
PROGRAM OF THE GREATER NEW YORK EMERGENCY CONFERENCE
ON INALIENABLE RIGHTS
Monday, February 12, 1940, at Two West Sixty-fourth Street, New York City,
the Meeting House of the Society for Ethical Culture
Organized antidemocratic forces are threatening the security and
freedom of human personality and the rights of minority groups here in
the United States. They are dividing, confusing, and weakening those
who wish to maintain our free democratic institutions. Such forces
of oppression and fear, growing stronger because of the war in Europe,
must not be permitted to overwhelm us. Never before have our consti-
tutional liberties been under such concerted attack. At this moment
we have a special responsibility as a united people to meet our danger
and protect our rights. There are literally thousands of nonpolitical
organizations in the City of New York which are vitally concerned with
the maintenance of the Bill of Rights, with minority and neighborhood
relations, and with antidemocratic legislation. This Conference is for
them.
Robeht W. Seaele, Chairman.
9: 30 a. m. — Registration of delegates and visitors
11 a. in. — General session
J'r< .siiliiii/ Chairman: Db. Max Yergax, Director, International
Committee on African Affairs
12 : 30 to 2 p. m. — Luncheon interval
2 5 p. m. — Panel discussions — Announcement of panel chairmen and speakers
mi page -
5-8 p. m. — Dinner interval
8 p. m. — General session — Presiding Chairman: Dr. Frank Kingdon, President,
Univeristy of Newark
Reports of panel discusions
Selection of Continuations Committee
Speakers :
Db. .John Elliott, Senior Leader, Society of Ethical Culture
Congressman John M. Coffee
Db. Mart E. Woolley, Presidenl Emeritus of Mt. Holyoke College
Profess b K. N. Llewellyn, Columbia Law School
Roger \. Baldwin, I Hrector, American Civil Liberties Union
Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for Democratic
Rights
Other Speakebs to be Announced
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1501
Greateb New Yokk Emergency Conference ox Inalienable Rights
Room 508, 2 West 43rd Street, New York City
I' AN ELS
PANEL I — "FOREIGN BORN"
1. How to focus our energies the better to preserve the rights of the foreign
born.
2. How the foreign-language and foreign-born groups can unite to preserve
and enlarge democracy for themselves and for all Americans.
3. How to bring before the foreign born their duties and privileges as
Americans.
4. How to disseminate and coordinate the best in both foreign and American
cultures that froth may gain in understanding.
Chairman of Panel: Dr. Frank Kingdon, President, University of Newark.
Panel Speakers: Dr. Gerald F. Machacek, President, United Czechoslovak Ameri-
can Societies.
Erwin H. Klaus, Editor, The German- American.
Younghill Kang, New York University.
Edward Corsi, Deputy Commissioner, Department of Public Welfare.
Vilhjalmur Stefansson.
Irving Xovick, Acting Secretary, American Committee for the Protection
of the Foreign Born.
M. Garriga, Int'l Vice President, Hotel and Restaurant Workers Union.
Nathaniel Phillips, President, National League for American Citizenship.
Dr. Emil Lengyel.
PANEL II "THE CHURCH AND THE CHALLENGE TO DEMOCRACY"
1. What Democracy means to Religion.
2. What Religion means to Democracy.
3. What are the official attitudes of the Religious Bodies toward all phases
of Discrimination.
4. What is involved in freedom of speech for the clergy.
5. What is the Responsibility of the Church in the face of attacks upon
Minorities.
6. What practical methods are available to the Church.
Chairman of Panel: Rev. Lorenzo H. King, St. Mark's Methodist Church.
Panel Speakers: Dr. Emanuel Chapman, Fordham University.
Rev. A. J. Muste, American Labor Temple.
Rabbi William F. Rosenblum, Exec. Committee member, New York Board of
Jewish Ministers.
Rev. John Paul Jones, Union Church of Bay Ridge.
Dr. Theodore F. Savage, President, the Greater New York Feedration of
Churches.
Rabbi David DeSola Pool, Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue.
PANEL III "LABOR AND DEMOCRACY"
1. Labor's Civil Rights.
2. Congressional Investigating Committees
a. Dies Committee — its methods, procedure and objectives.
b. The Smith Committee — its methods, procedure and objectives.
c. The LaFollette Committee — comparison of procedure with that of
other Congressional investigating committees.
3. Legislation and the Trade Union Movement
a. Analysis of the Alien Bills.
b. Criminal Snydicalism Laws.
c. The application of the Sherman Anti-trust Act.
d. The Wages and Hours Law.
1502 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Chairman of Panel: Leo Huberman.
Panel Speakers: Merle Vincent, General Solicitor, Wages and Hours Adminis-
tration.
Elmer Brown, President, Typographical Union, Local No. 6, A. F. of L.
Nathan Green.
Gardner Jackson, Labor's Non-Partisan League.
Manning Johnson, Business Agent, Cafeteria Employees' Union, A. F. of L_
Other speakers to be announced.
PANEL IV — "ORGANIZING OUR NEIGHBORHOODS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTIox"
1. Actual experiences of violations of civil liberties in neighborhoods.
2. Pending Legislation against Civil Liberties.
3. What the Neighborhoods are accomplishing. Legislative conferences ; citi-
zens' rights groups ; neighborhood papers ; the financing of neighborhood groups.
4. Practical steps to be taken to further organization in the neighborhoods.
Chairman of Panel: Dean Ned H. Dearborn, New York University.
Panel Speakers: Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs.
Hon. Vito Marcantonio.
Dr. Leonard Covello, Principal, Benjamin Franklin High School.
Thomas E. Stone, Executive Director, New York City Coordinating Com-
mittee for Democratic Action.
Lester Granger, Secretary, Committee on Negro Welfare, Welfare Council
of New York.
PANEL V — -"EDUCATION AS BASIS FOR TOLERANCE AND DEMOCRACY"
1. Personal Experiences Dealing with :
a. Minority Discrimination in Our Schools.
b. Student Organization and Relations.
c. Faculty Organization and Relation.
2. Education and Propaganda.
3. Legislative Threats to Our Educational System.
4. What Has Been Done to Counteract Antidemocratic Tendencies in the Field
of Education.
5. Practical Steps That Must Be Taken To Preserve Academic Freedom.
Chairman of Panel : Professor Walter Rautenstrauch, Columbia University.
Panel Speakers: Dr. Charles H. Fisher, former president, Western Washington
College of Education.
Dr. Benjamin Harrow, College of the City of New York.
Prof. Robert K. Speer, New York University.
Dr. Bella V. Dodd, Legislative Representative, New York, State Federation
of Teachers' Union.
William A. Hamm. Asst. Superintendent of Schools.
Prof. Doxey R. AVilkerson, Howard University.
This program, containing the names of the speakers, is a supplement to the
original Call to the ('(inference issued January .". 1940, Those organizations
which have not as yet signified their intention of sending delegates, are urged
to do so, by filling out and mailing without delay the Application for Credential
printed below. ,
Discussion will be limited to domestic problems related to civil rights, minority,
and neighborhood relations and to antidemocratic Legislation, with special
emphasis upon these problems in New York City.
The main purpose of the discussion in each Panel will be to determine the
besi and most fruitful methods of coping with the dangers threatening the civil
rights and security of citizens in their neighborhoods and in the legislative as-
semblies of the state and nation, and what program of action can he developed
by churches, schools, labor unions, settlements, fraternal orders and other organi-
zations to meet these threats.
No resolutions will be entertained by the chairmen of the panels or of the gen-
eral meetings.
Before adjournment of the panel meetings the delegates in each panel will
nominate representatives from their respective panels for membership on the
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1503
•Continuations Committee, which will he empowered by the Conference to devise
means of continuing the work of the Conference.
Guest tickets are available for interested individuals. The charge for these
tickets is $1.
Application for Credential
greater new york emergency conference on inalienable rights
2 West 43rd Street, Room 50S, New York City
PEnnsylvania 6-7948
Name or Organization-
Address
Number of members —
Our organization will cooperate with the Greater New York Emergency
Conference on Inalienable Rights through (check participation desired).
1. Organizational sponsorship and participation.
2. Organizational participation not involving sponsorship.
3. Individual observer.
We shall be represented by the following delegates or observers. (An or-
ganization may signify immediately its desire to sponsor or participate,
and later register the names of its delegates or observers.)
Name of Delegate or Observer
Address City
Name of Delegate or Observer
Address City
Registration Fee : $1 per delegate or observer, with the exception of youth groups
which will be charged $.50
(Signed)
Name.
Office-
Each organization is entitled to two delegates or to two observers.
Contributions for the support of this conference are cordially invited.
Greater New York Emergency Conference on Inalienable Rights
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
Robert W. Searle,
Chairman
Algernon D. Black
Vice Chairman
Jean Bowie,
Vice Chairman
Bertha J. Foss,
Vice Chairman
Robert K. Strauss,
Vice Chairman
Paul Frankfurter,
Treasurer
Thomas E. Stone,
Secretary
Samuel L. M. Barlow
Dr. Leonard Covello
Prof. Richard T. Cox
Rosalie Manning
Dr. Charles Obermeyer
Jeanne Ratner
Charles I. Stewart
GENERAL COMMITTEE
Rabbi J. X. Cohen
Ambrose Doskow
Mary Dublin
Mabel Brown Ellis
Christopher T. Emmet
Samuel S. Fishzohn
Osmond K. Fraenkel
Winifred Frazier
Rabbi Sidney Goldstein
Gilbert M. Haas
Helen Hall
Elizabeth Hawley
Joan Hellinger
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs
Prof. William Kil-
patrick
Erwin H. Klaus
Charles E. Lane
Dr. Gerald F. Machacek
Polly Obermeyer
Margaret Parry
GENERAL COMMITTEE COn.
Elizabeth Peel
Rev. A. Clayton Powell
Jean Reichard
Alary Sinikhovitch
Jr. Mis. A. H. Vixrnan
Dr. Daniel Walsh
SPONSORS
Dorothy Andrews
Luigi Antonini
Dr. Robert W. Ashworth
Margaret Culkin Banning
George Gordon Battle
Hon. Charles Belous
Samuel M. Blinken
Van Wyck Brooks
Elmer Brown
William M. Callahan
James B. Carey
Hon. Emanuel Celler
1504
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
sponsors — continued
Rev. Allan Knight
Chalmers
Dr. Emanuel Chapman
Rev. Everett R. Clinchy
Rev. F. A. Cullen
Dean Ned H. Dearborn
Hon. Samuel Dickstein
Dr. John L. Elliott
Dr. Phillips I'. Elliott
Dr. Haven Emerson
Dr. Henry Pratt Fairchild
M. I. Finkelstein
Pr< f. John A. Fitch
Rev. George B. Ford
Rev. Harry Emerson
Fosdiek
Ben Golden
Rabbi Herbert S.
Goldstein
Prof. Samuel L. Hamilton
Rev. Ladislas Harsanyi
Dr. diaries J. Hendley
T. Arnold Hill
Rev. John Haynes Holmes
Jean Horie
Rev. Amos Horlacher
Rev. William Lloyd Imes
Dr. Alvin Johnson
Mrs. Ely Jacques Kahn
sponsors — continued
Dr. Horace V. Kallen
Milton Kaufman
Paul Kellngu
Hon. Dorothy Kenyon
Hon. Paul J. Kern
Freda Kirchwey
Prof. Philip Klein
Hon. Anna M. Kross
Mrs. C. D. Kyle
Rev. John Howland
Lathrop
Richard W. Lawrence
Abraham Lefkowitz
Rev. Henry Smith Leiper
Emil Lengyel
Dr. Eduard C. Lindeman
Harold H. Lund
Rev. George Maier
Sydney Maslen
Emmet May
Hon. Vito Marcantonio
Dr. Rafael Angel Marin
Lewis Merrill
Rev. J. N. Moody
Hon. Newbold Morris
Mrs. Alexander Mossman
Walter Mueller
Prof. Gardner Murphy
Hon. James E. Murray
sponsors — continued
Dr. Alonzo Myers
Dr. Henry Newman
Hon. Nathan D. Perlman
William Pickens
Hon. Justine Wise Polier
Hon. Almerindo Portfolio
A. Philip Randolph
Frederick L. Rederfer
Rev. Herman F. Reissig
Mrs. Robert V. Russell
Mgr. John A. Ryan, D. D.
Otto Sattler
Rose Schneiderman
Dr. Guy Emery Shipler
Rev. H. Norman Sibley
Samuel S. Solender
Prof. Robert K. Speer
L. Elizabeth Spofford
Rev. Wm. B. Spofford
Vilhjalmur Stefansson
Maxwell S. Stewart
Katherine Terrill
Eva Terry
Prof. Harold C. Urey
Walter White
James Waterman Wise
Prof. Mary E. Woolley
Rev. Benjamin F. Wyland
Exhibit No. 15
[From the New York Times, Tuesday, January 31, 1939. Advertisement]
An Open Letter to the Government and People of the United States
While you read this message, a major human tragedy is taking place. A
question of the greatest importance to our country and to the entire world is
being decided.
A brave nation is fighting against terrible odds, not only for its own inde-
pendence and freedom, but for the very life of democracy everywhere.
The whole world knows now that the "Franco Revolt" is in reality an inva-
sion. Hitler and Mussolini are bent on destroying the Spanish Republic, and
with its destruction gaining vastly increased power in the campaign against the
democracies. They have set out to replace a hopeful young republic with a dic-
tatorship patterned on the Nazi and Fascist models. In the Italian and German
press the full of Barcelona was hailed as a "great victory."
With indescribable brutality and complete disregard for world opinion, they
have warred against l*>tli the armies and the women and children of Spain. It
is clear that they intend to use Spain as a means of crippling French and British
democracy, and as a powerful springboard to South and Central America, where
their agents have for years been busy spreading propaganda against d smocracy
and for fascism.
If Franco, Hitler and Mussolini win in Spain, the fascist penetration of the
Western Hemisphere will he immensely strengthened. This will mean a greatly
increased defense problem for the United States.
It must not be allowed to happen! Democracy cannot permit unending ag-
gression against it. "Appeasement" has failed. (Tuna. Ethiopia, Austria,
Czechoslovakia, Spain witness its failure.
What can our country do? The American people want peace. They abhor
aggression and warring dictatorships. They are committed to the democratic
way of life.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1505
The hard fact is that by our embargo against Spain we are giving aid to Hitler
and Mussolini and nil they stand for. Our embargo is helping to destroy a
republic which stands as a powerful bulwark against the fascist plans. If
that republic is destroyed, much of the responsibility will be ours.
The signers of this letter believe that Mr. Henry L. Stimson, former U'nited
States Secretary of State, is right when he says:
-II' this Loyalist Government is overthrown, it is evident that its defeat will
be solely due to the tact that it has been deprived of its right to buy from us
and other friendly nations the munitions necessary for its defense."
To the plea that the United States must remain neutral, we can only reply
that an embargo which permits aid to aggressors and denies it to the victim is
flagrantly unneutral. In the words of President Roosevelt to the 76th Congress,
"we have learned that when we deliberately try to legislate neutrality, our
neutrality laws may operate unevenly and unfairly — may actually give aid to
the aggressor and deny it to the victim." A policy which places a friendly, rec-
ognized, democratically-elected government on the same plane with the foreign-
aided insurrectionist cannot, by any canon of law or tradition, be called neu-
trality. The embargo, as our most distinguished lawyers and historians have
insisted, is a clear violation of international law.
We submit to our fellow Americans and to our government that every obli-
gation of peace, of freedom, of justice, of self-interest, calls upon us to:
LIFT THE EMBARGO WITHOUT DELAY
It is not ton late. The Spanish Republic still lives. Its people, who still con-
trol Central Spain with Valencia and iron-willed Madrid, have no intention of
surrendering. A simple act of justice on the part of The United States of
America can still turn the tide in favor of democracy.
We who have signed this letter want to hear the cheer of hope and new
courage that will go up in every land, including our own, when the word goes
out that The United States has lifted the embargo against Spain.
American public opinion has given our government a clear mandate to act.
More than 7<i per cent of public opinion, according to the Gallup poll, supports
the Spanish Republic.
In the name of American fair play and of all our best traditions —
In the name of world peace and of democracy —
LIFT THE EMBARGO NOW
(Signed) Ernest Sutherland Bates, Robert Benchley, Mare Blitzstein,
Franz Boas, Mrs. Louis D. Brandeis, Louis Bromfield, Van Wyck
Brooks, Matthew J. Burns, Henry Seidel Canby, Walter B.
Cannon, M. D.. Carrie Chapman Catt, Albert Sprague Coolidge,
William E. Dodd, Sherwood Eddy, Edna Ferber, Christian Gauss,
Roswell G. Ham, Dashiell Hammett, Henry T. Hunt, Edward L.
Israel, Paul Kellogg, Rockwell Kent, John A. Kingsbury, Emil
Lengyel, Oscar E. Maurer, Edna St. Vincent Millay, Henry Mor-
genthau, William Allen Neilson, Marion Edwards Park, Dorothy
Parker, Charles Edward Russell, Alfred K. Stern, Paul H. Todd,
Harold C. Urey, Mary E. Wolley.
THESE EMINENT AMERICANS HAVE L'RGED THAT THE SPANISH EMBARGO BE LIFTED
Bishop Julius W. Atwood Rev. Francis J. McConnell Mary K. Simkhovitch
Rev. W. Russell Bowie Bishop Edward L. Par- Judge Milton E. Gibbs
Bishop Chauncey B.
Brewster
Rev. Hugh Elmer Brown
Eev. Raymond Calkins
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman
Bishon Charles K. Gilbert
Rev. Charles W. Gilkey
Rev. William E. Gilroy
Rev. L. O. Hartman
Rev. Ivan Lee Holt
Rev. Moses R. Lovett
Rev. Halford E. Luccock
sons
Rev. Harold C. Phillips
Rev. Daniel A. Poling
Rev. Julius S. Seebach
Rabbi Stephen S. Wise
Helen Hall
Linton B. Swift
Helen M. Harris
Elsie Voorhees Jones
Jessie Binford
Owen R. Lovejoy
Mary Van Kleeck
Judge Robert W. Kenny
Judge Arthur Le Sueur
Justice Justine Wise Pol-
ler
Justice James H. Wolfe
Hon. Charles Belous
Hon. Smith W. Brookhart
Prof. Leslie H. Buckler
Prof. Michael N. Chanalls
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs
Hon. Paul J. Kern
Hon. Nathan R. Margold
1506
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
THESE EMINENT AMERICANS HAVE URGED THAT THE SPANISH EMBARGO BE LIFTED COI1.
Arthur Garfield Hays
Dorothy Kenyon
Louis F. MeCabe
Harold Riegelman
Frank P. Walsh
Dean Francis M. Shea
Natalie Bodanya
John Alden Carpenter
Elizabeth Sprague Cool-
idge
Walter Damrosch
Olin Downes
Jessica Dragonette
Rosina Lhevinne
Josef Lhevinne
Yehudi Menuhin
Alexander Smallens
Sigmund Spaeth
Lawrence Tibbett
Efrem Zimbalist
Ernest Hemingway
Theodore Dreiser
William Rose Benet
Margaret Culkin Banning
Countee Cullen
R. L. Duffus
Dorothy Canfield Fischer
Alfred Kreymborg
Upton Sinclair
John Steinbeck
Louis Adamic
Harry Elmer Barnes
Charles A. Beard
Sherwood Anderson
Franklin P. Adams
Maxwell Anderson
Brooks Atkinson
Stephen Vincent Benet
Pearl S. Buck
Vincent Sheean
Dorothv Thompson
Robert C. Clothier
Ada L. Comstoek
Henry Pratt Fairchild
Vida D. Scudder
Harold G. Urey
Hairy F. Ward
Henry L. Stimson
Margaret Bourke-White
George Biddle
Lewis Mumford
John Dewey
Daniel L. Marsh
A. F. Whitney
THEY SWEPT BACK NAPOLEON i
THE INVADERS OF 1939 WILL FOLLOW — IF THE EMBARGO
IS LIFTED
ACT NOW ! CUT OUT THIS COUPON
Capitol, Washington, D. G.
Joining with millions of other Americans of all political and religious faith, I
urgently request that the Embargo against Republican Spain be lifted now so
that world peace and democracy may be preserved. •
Name
Street Address
City State
Fill in name of your Senator or Representative and mail to Brig. Gen. H. C. Newcomer,
chairman, Washington Committee to Lift Spanish Embargo, room 100, 1410 M. Street NW.,
Washington, D. C.
Hon. Paul J. Kern, chair-
man : Honorary vice chair-
men : Hon. Henry T. Hunt,
Washington, D. C. ; Judge
Robert W. Kenny, Los
Angeles : Prof. Malcolm
Sharp, University of Chi-
cago.
Leo J. Linder, vice chairman ;
Prof. Herman A. Gray,
treasurer; Charles Rab-
bins, secretary.
St. Clair Adams, New Orleans
Spencer Austrian,
Los Angeles
S. John Block, New York
George K. Bowden, Chicago
Louis B. Boudin, New York
.lames L. Brewer. Rochester
Maurice C. Brigadier,
Jersey City
Bon. Smith W. Brookhart,
Washington, D. C.
Prof. Leslie H. Buckler,
University of Virginia
Prof. Michael N. Chandlis,
University of Newark
Russell N. Chase, Cleveland
Dr. Felix S. Cohen,
Washington, D. C.
Prof. Morris K. Cohen,
New York
W. A. Combs, Houston
Paul Coughlin, Seattle
Hon. Maurice P. Davidson,
New York
Exhibit No. 16
John P. Davis,
Washington, D. C.
Hon. Hubert T. Delaney,
New York
John D. Denison. Des Moines
Richard A. Dowling,
New Orleans
Osmond K. Freenkel,
New York
Walter Frank, New York
Leo Gallagher,
Los Angeles
Irwin Geiger,
Washington. D. C.
Max Golina, Milwaukee
Judge Milton E. Gibbs,
Rochester
Hon. Jonah J. Goldstein,
New York
Irvin Goodman, Portland
Dean Leon Green,
Northwestern University
Arthur J. Harvey, Albany
Prof. II. C. Havighurst,
Xort hwestern lTni versify
Arthur Garfield Hays.
New York
Charles II. Houston,
New Yoik-
Prof. Samuel Guy Inman,
New Yoik
Hon. Stanley M. Isaacs,
New York
Dorothy Kenyon, New York
Judge Arthur Le Sueur,
Minneapolis
Mark M. Litchman,
Seattle
Hon. Vito Marcantonio,
New York
Hon. Nathan R. Margold,
Washington, D. C.
Louis F. MeCabe,
Philadelphia
Carey McWilliams,
Los Angeles
Kenneth Meiklejohn,
Washington, D. C.
Samuel D. Menin, Denver
Darwin J. Mesorole,
New York
Prof. William E. Mikell,
Philadelphia
Earl E. .Miller. Dallas
Hon. Patrick H. O'Brien,
Detroit
Hon. Lsaac Pacht,
Los Angeles
Hon. J. Stuart Page,
Rochester
Nathaniel Phillips,
New York
Justice Justine Wise Polier,
Xew York
Walter H. l'ollak, New York
I Pressman, Pittsburgh
Prof. Leon A. Ransom,
Howard University
S. Roy Remar, Boston
STATE DEPARTMENT LMPLOYLE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1507
Harold Riegelman,
New Xorl
Mortimer Riemer,
Washington, 1). C.
Hon. Lester Wm. Roth,
Los Angeles
Harry Sacher,
New York
Exhibit No. 10 — Continued
Robert .1. Silberstein,
.\c\v Sork
s. Khan Spiegel,
Philadelphia
Harold Strauch, Hartford
Prof. Wesley A. Sturges,
Yale University
Maurice Sugar, Detroit
(Partial list )
A. Ovrum Tapper, Chicago
Dean William Taylor,
Howard University
Clare Warne, Los Angeles
Ruth Weyand, Chicago
Carlo Whitehead, l >enver
.1 list ice .lames 1 1. Wolfe,
Salt Lake City
Lawyers Committee on American Relations With Spain
150 Broadway
NEW YORK, N. Y.
REctor 2-S762
March 5, 1938.
A. Marx Levien, Esq.,
21 E. 40th St., New York City.
Dear Sir: We send you a Petition and Memorandum of Law on the Embargo
against Spain.
The eminent members of the bar and teachers of law who sponsor and endorse
the Petition and Memorandum firmly believe that the Embargo is legally un-
tenable and that it constitutes a violation of fundamental principles of interna-
tional law and an abandonment and reversal of traditional foreign policy of the
United States.
We urge you to join with us in requesting the reconsideration by the President
and the Congress of the policy of our government towards the republican govern-
ment of Spain.
We invite you to sign the Petition and secure the signatures of your colleagues
and friends in the profession. The matter is urgent and the prompt return of the
enclosed petition, duly signed, is earnestly requested.
Respectfully yours,
Paul J. Kern, Chairman.
Exhibit No. 17
Seventy organizations-
Chairman :
Susan Jenkins
Vice Chairmen :
Meyer Perednock
Winnifred Freeler
Rose Nelson
Secretary :
Gladys Holland
Treasurer :
Gertrude R. Prince
Executive Secretary :
Alice R. Collet
Executive Committee :
Jack Berbach
Dr. George Bersky
Annie S. Bromley
-settlement houses, consumers cooperatives, trade-unions, and
others — sponsor the committee
Sadie Cohen
George Wegmen Fish
Mildred Gutullig
Joseph Gross
Helen Hall
Isadore Kerr
Rudolph Kirwen
Felice Lourie
Dr. Mary Meekler
B. P. McLaurin
Plingerold Phillips
Jesse Raphael
Jessie Seator
Harold Wettenberg
Marion Wood
Advisory Board :
Ruth Beinduo
Morris L. Ernst
Dr. Lewis L. Harris
Arthur Keller
Dorothy Kenyon
Paul J. Kern
Dr. John A. Kingsbury
Henry W. Laidler
Dr. Charles A. Merkes
Frank Olmstead
Peggy Packard
A. Philip Randolph
Bernard Reis
Rose Schneiderman
Mary K. Shilberlich
Milk Consumers Protective Committee
Founded by Dr. Caroline Whitney
An Organization to Represent Consumer Interests
215 Fourth Avenue
GRamercy 5-4066
Chairman, Caroline Whitney Memorial Fund : Elinor Merrell
April 23, 1940.
Hon. John J. Dempset,
Special Committee to Investigate Un-American Activities,
House Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir: As chairman of the Milk Consumers Protective Committee, I was
one of those consulted by Consumers Union in their preparation of a letter and
statement which they recently sent to you asking for a thorough investigation
1508 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
by your committee of the circumstances surrounding the preparation and release
of the report on "Communist Work in Consumer Organizations."
The facts and questionable circumstances indicating a conspiratorial relation-
ship between your committee's special investigator and an officer of Hearst's
Magazines. Inc.. are indeed, shocking. I urge that you make a thorough investi-
gation of these disclosures. I do so not only as chairman of one of the organiza-
tions attacked in the report, but also as a citizen. Such unorthodox procedure
on the part of a government body is contrary to our democratic traditions.
Respectfully,
Ashe Ingersoll, Chairman.
AI: RS.
Exhibit No. 18
Statement of Senator McCarthy ox Haldore Hansox
The next case is that of Haldore Hanson.
This man occupies one of the most strategically important offices in the entire
State Department.
It is my understanding that he joined the Department of State in February
1942, and is recognized in the Department as a specialist and expert on Chinese
Affairs.
Hanson, now Executive Director of the Secretariat of the Inter-Departmental
Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, will head up a Technical Co-
operation Projects Staff of the new Point 4 Program for aid to under developed
areas which will have charge of the expenditures of hundreds of millions of dol-
lars of our taxpayers' money over all the world. ( Source : Department of State
Departmental Announcements 41, dated February 21, 1950.)
The pro-Communist proclivities of Mr. Hanson go back to September 1938.
Hanson was a contributor to Pacific Affairs, the official publication of the
Institute of Pacific Relations, whose staff was headed by millionaire Frederick
Vanderbilt Field, an admitted Communist. Field has devoted bis entire fortune
to the Communist cause.
It is important that the committee keep in mind that Mr. Hanson also wrote
for the magazine Amerasia, of which Philip Jacob Jaffe was managing editor.
Jaffe was arrested, indicted, and found guilty of having been in illegal posses-
sion of several hundred secret documents from the State, Navy, War, and other
Government Department files.
Mr. Chairman, I have before me a document entitled "Department of State,
Departmental Announcement 41." The heading is "Establishment of the Interim
Office for Technical Cooperation and Development." Then in parenthesis, by way
of explanation of this rather high-sounding name, we find "Point Four Program."
The first paragraph of the order reads as follows :
"1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the As-
sistant Secretary for Economic Affairs of the Interim Office for Technical Co-
operation and Development (TCD)."
On page 4 we find that the chief of this Technical Cooperations Project Staff
is one Haldore Hanson.
Paragraph 2 on Page 1 sets forth the following responsibilities of Hanson's
division :
"The Interim Office ,is assigned general responsibility within the Department
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical as-
sistance to economically underdeveloped areas and (h) directing the planning
in preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other compo-
nents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance pro-
grams as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the Ad-
ministrative area for the performance of service functions."
From this it would appear that his division will have a tremendous amount of
power and control over the hundreds of millions or billions of dollars which the
President proposes to spend under his Point Four Program, or what he has
referred to as the "Bold New Plan."
Hanson's appointment is not made b.\ the President, hut by the State Depart-
ment and is not subject to any Senate confirmation. Therefore, it would seem
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1509
rather Important to examine the background and the philosophy of this young
man.
The State Department Biographical Register gives what would on its face
seem to be a chronological story of an increasingly successful young man. It
shows that he graduated from college, for example, in 1934 at the age of 22; that
he was a teacher in Chinese colleges from 1934 to 1937; and then a press cor-
respondent in China from 1936 to 1939; a staff writer from 1938 to 1942; then
in 1942 he got a job in the State Department at $4,600 a year ; that in 1944 he was
listed as a specialist in Chinese affairs at $5,600; that in 1945 he was made Ex-
ecutive Assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State at $6,50U ; that in May of
1948 he was made assistant chief of the area division number 3; that on June 28,
1948, he was made acting chief for the Far Eastern Area, Public Affairs Over-
seas Program Staff; that on November 14, 1948, he was made Executive Director
of the Secretariat of the Inter-Departmental Committee on Scientific and Cul-
tural Cooperation. There is certainly nothing unusual about this biography.
Nothing there to indicate that this man might be dangerous in the State Depart-
ment as Chief for the Far Eastern Area Public Affairs, Overseas Program Staff,
during a time when the Communists were taking over China. However, much is
left out of this biography. It does not show, for example, that this young man
was running a Communist magazine in Peiping when the Japanese-Chinese war
broke out. It does not show, for example, that he spent several years with the
Communist armies in China, writing stories and taking pictures which the
Chinese Communists helped him smuggle out of the country. Nor does this
biography show that this man, after his return from China, wrote a book — a book
which sets forth his pro-Communist answer to the problems of Asiz as clearly
as Hitler's Mein Kampf set forth his solutions for the problems of Europe.
Nothing that he has said or done since would indicate that he repudiates
a single line of that book.
This man clearly believes that the Communists in China stand for everything
that is great and good. His is not the picture of a mercenary trying to sell his
country out for thirty pieces of silver. In reading his book, you are impressed
with the fact that he firmly believes the Communist leaders in China are great
and good men and that all of Asia would benefit by being communized.
Take, for example, what he had to say about Mao Tse-tung, the head of the
Communist Party at that time and now the Communist ruler of China, and Chu
Teh, commander in chief of the 8th Route Communist Army, and according to
Life magazine of January 23, 1950, Number Two man in prestige to Mao Tse-
Tung.
In Chapter 23, entitled "Political Utopia on Mt. Wut'Ai", in describing a meet-
ing with an American Major Carlson, here is what he had to say :
"We stayed up till midnight exchanging notes on guerrilla armies, the farm
unions, and the progress of the war. I was particularly interested in the Com-
munist leaders whom Carlson had just visited and whom I was about to meet.
Mao Tze-Tung, the head of the Communist Party, Carlson characterized as 'the
most selfless man I ever met, a social dreamer, a genius living fifty years ahead
of his time.' And Chu Teh, commander in chief of the 8th Route Army was 'the
prince of generals, a man with the humility of Lincoln, the tenacity of Grant,
and the kindliness of Robert E. Lee.' "
For a man slated a chief of the bureau which may have the job of spending
hundreds of millions of dollars throughout the world this indicates, to say the
least, a disturbing amount of hero worship for the number one and number two
Communist leaders in the Far East today.
On page 349, he condemns the right wing groups in the Chinese Government
for "fighting against the Democratic revolution as proposed by Mao Tse Tung
and the Communists."
On the same page he points out that anti-Red officials within the government
were making indirect attacks upon the Communists and that "leaders of the
Communist youth corps were arrested by military officers at Hankow. I myself
was the victim of one of these incidents and found that local officials were
the instigators."
From Hanson's book it appears that the Nationalist government knew of his
close collaboration with the Communist Army. For example, on page 350, we
find that his passport was seized by the police in Sian when they found that
he was traveling from Communist guerrilla territory to the Communist head-
quarters. He states that the man responsible "for this illegal action was
governor Ching Ting-Wen — one of the most rabid anti-Red officials in China.
The governor's purpose was merely to suppress news about the Communists."
1510 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Before quoting further from this book written hy Mr. Hanson, it might be
well to give a clearer picture of the job which Secretary Acheson has picked
out for him. The State Department document lists some of the duties of his
bureau as follows :
1. Developing over-all policies for the program.
2. Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives.
3. Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bureaus
and making necessary adjustments.
4. Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds for
U. S. bilateral programs.
5. Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental agencies
and with other D. S. agencies participating in the coordinated program or other-
wise carrying on technical assistance activities.
1. Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for indi-
vidual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions.
2. Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate from
any other source.
.°>. Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments.
4. Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate and
give administrative and program support to bilateral programs.
5. Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions.
6. Proposing program changes.
7. Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities and
reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance programs.
This gives you some idea of the tremendous powers of the agency in which
Mr. Hanson is a top flight official.
Let us go back to Hanson's writings :
All thi-ough the hook he shows that not only did he have complete confidence
in the Communist leaders but that they also had complete confidence in him.
On page 256 he refers to how Communist generals Nie and Lu Chen-Tsao acted
as his couriers, smuggling packets of films and news stories for him with the
aid of Communist guerrilla spies into Peiping.
In this connection I might say that he very frankly points out that the Com-
munists do not tolerate anyone who is not completely on their side. Hansom
makes it very clear all through the book that he is not only on the Communist side,
but that he has the attitude of a hero worshiper for the Chinese Communist
leaders.
His respect and liking for the Communist leaders permeates almost every
chapter of the hook. For example, on page 284 and page 285, he tells about how
some ragged wail's whom he had gathered into his sleeping quarters regarded
Mao Tse Tung and Chu Ted as "Gods." He then goes on to tell about their
favorite Communist General, Holung, and states that they convinced him that
Holung was a very extraordinary man whom they described as "big as a Shan-
tungese, heavy as a restaurant cook but quick as a cat in battle." He then goes
on to describe on page 285 how. when he met General Holung, he found him to
be much as the hero-worshipping boys had described him. "He is." said Hanson,
"a living picture of Rhett Butler from the pages of Gone With the Wind."
This praise of Chinese Communist leaders — goes on page after page. On page
278, he describes Communist General P'eng as the most rigid disciplinarian and
"the most persistent student of world affairs."
In Chapter 26, he speaks with apparent bated breath of the "Brain Trust" of
Communisl leaders who were immortalized by Edgar Snow in his Red star Over
China.
On page 295 in referring to two other Communist generals, he says: "Should
this book ever fall into Communist hands, I must record that those two lonely
men made excellent company during my three weeks in Yenan."
After describing in complimentary manner tins university and the students,
on page 296 he says. "Every cadet divides his time between political and military
subjects. On the one hand he listens to lectures on Marxian philosophy, the
historj of the Chinese Revolution, the technique of leading a mass movement:
on the other hand he studies guerrilla tactics, the use of military maps, and the
organization of a military labor corps."
On page 297 he points out that no tuition is charged at the academy and that
each student is supplied with uniform, books, and food, plus a pocket allowance,
and then has this to say: •'Some recent visitors to Yenan have spread a report
that the academies are supported by Russian rubles — a thin piece of gossip. /
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1511
was told by several Chinese lenders, mchiding Mao Tse-Tung, that the largest
contributions came from American sympathizers in New York."
On page 297 and 298, BansoD relates that in talking to one of the Nationalist
war lords. "I suggested that he could learn a great deal from the Communists
about discipline and integrity of Leadership."
On page 303, Hanson has this to say. "My attitude toward Communist China's
leaders was a mixture of respect for their personal integrity and a resentment
of i heir suspiciousness. They impressed me as a group of hard-headed, straight-
shooting realists."
After an interview with Mao Tse Tung lie states, "I left with the feeling that
he was the least pretentious man in Yenan and the most admired. He is a com-
pletely selfless man."
Following is Hansons description of how the Reds took over. I quote from
page 102:
"Whenever a village was occupied for the first time, the Reds arrested the
landlords and tax collectors, held a public tribunal, executed a few and intimi-
dated the others, then redistributed the land as fairly as possible."
In Chapter 28, in comparing the Communists to Chiang Kai-shek's troops,
Hanson had this to say:
"I left Yenan with only one conviction about the Communists ; that they were
fighting against the Japanese more wholeheartedly than any other group in
China."
He then goes on to condemn "Red baiting" officials in Chungking.
On page 312 of his book. Hanson quotes a Communist editor as stating as
follows :
"Our relationship to the U. S. S. R. is no different than that of the American
Communist Party. We respect the work of Russia's leaders and profit by their
experience wherever we can, but the problems of China are not the same as
those of Russia. We plan our program from a Chinese point of view."
Hanson then adds, ''The explanation seemed logical enough to me."
In connection with Hanson's position as Chief of the Technical Cooperation
Projects Staff, in charge of Truman's Point Four Program, the following on
pages 312 and 313 of his book would seem especially significant. He quotes
Mao Tse Tung as follows : "China cannot reconstruct its industry and com-
merce without the aid of British and American capital."
Can there be much doubt as to whether the Communists or the anti-Communist
forces in Asia will receive aid under the Point Four Program with Hanson
in charge?
Gentlemen, here is a man with a mission — a mission to communize the world —
a man whose energy and intelligence coupled with a burning all-consuming
mission has raised him by his own bootstraps from a penniless operator of a
Leftist magazine in Peiping in the middle thirties to one of the architects of
our foreign policy in the State Department today — a man who, according to
State Department announcement No. 41 will be largely in charge of the spend-
ing of hundreds of millions of dollars in such areas of the world and for such
purposes as he decides.
Gentlemen, if Secretary Acheson gets away with his plan to put this man
to a great extent in charge of the proposed Point Four Program, it will, in my
opinion, lend tremendous impetus to the tempo at which Communism is en-
gulfing the world.
On page 32 of his book, Hanson justifies "The Chinese Communists chopping
off the heads of landlords — all of which is true," because of "hungry farmers."
That the farmers are still hungry after the landlords' heads have been removed
apparently never occurred to him.
On page 31 he explained that it took him some time to appreciate the appalling
problems which the Chinese Communists were attempting to solve.
In Chapter 4 of Hanson's book, he presents the stock Communists' arguments
for the so-called Stalin-Hitler Pact of 1939.
Secretary Acheson is now putting Hanson in the position to help the Com-
munists solve the "appalling problems" in other areas of the world with hun-
dreds of millions or bilious of American dollars.
The obvious area in which this man will start using American money to help
the Communists solve the people's problem will be Indo-China and India.
It should be pointed out that this case was brought to the attention of State
Department officials as long ago as May 14, 1947. At that time, the Honorable
Fred Busbey, on the floor of the House discussed this man's affinity for the
Communist cause in China.
1512 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 19
[Department of State. Departmental Announcement 41]
Establishment ok the Interim Office fob Technical Cooperation and
Development (Point Four Program)
1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the Assist-
ant Secretary for Economic Affairs [the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation
and Development (TCD)].
2. The Interim Office is assigned general responsibility within the Department
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical assist-
ance to economically underdeveloped areas and (&) directing the planning in
preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other com-
ponents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance
programs as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the
Administrative area for the performance of service functions.
3. The Interim Office has specific action responsibility for :
(c) Developing over-all policies for the program.
(&) Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives.
(c) Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bu-
reaus and making necessary adjustments.
(d) Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds
for U. S. bilateral programs.
(e) Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental
agencies and with other U. S. agencies participating in the coordinatpd
program or otherwise carrying on technical assistance activities.
(f) Reviewing instructions to the field.
4. Tbe Interim Office will coordinate the development of operating policies
governing administrative problems generally applicable to technical assistance
programs such as utilization of available specialized personnel, conditions of
employment, and utilization of training facilities.
5. The regional bureaus have responsibility with respect to technical assist-
ance programs for :
(a) Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for
individual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions.
(b) Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate
from any other source.
(c) Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments.
(d) Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate,
and give administrative and program support to, bilateral programs.
(e) Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions.
(f ) Proposing program changes.
(<7) Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities,
and reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance pro-
grams. .
Responsibilities previously assigned to the regional bureaus in connection
with the Philippine Rehabilitation Program, Economic Cooperation Administra-
tion Aid programs, and existing programs in Germany and Japan are not affected
by this announcement except for paragraph 4 above which will apply where
circumstances require.
6. The Bureau of United Nations Affairs has :
(a) Action responsibility for :
1. Developing the U. S. position concerning the international organizational
machinery to be used in connection with technical assistance activities;
2. Developing the U. S. position concerning the relative proportions of con-
tributions to be made by the U. S. and by other countries to the special
technical assistance accounts of international organizations ;
3. Coordinating negotiations involving such accounts.
(&) Advisory responsibility concerning:
1. The character and scope of technical cooperation programs undertaken
by international organizations ;
2. The amounts of U. S. contributions to the special technical assistance
accounts of international organizations ;
3. U. S. positions on program allocations from such accounts by interna-
tional organizations.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1513
The Bureau of United Nations Affairs maintains general contact with interna-
tional organizations in line with its over-all responsibilities and arranges for
direct contact between the United Nations and the participating specialized
agencies and the Interim Office of Technical Cooperation and Development or
U. S. agencies on operating program matters as requested by the Interim Office.
The Bureau for Inter-American Affairs makes corresponding arrangements with
respect to intergovernmental arrangements of the American states.
7. The following have such responsibilities in connection with technical assist-
ance programs as are in accord with their general responsibilities set forth in
the Organization .Manual of the Department.
(a) Tbe Office of Financial and Development Policy with respect to the In-
ternational Bank and Monetary Fund.
(P) The Office of Transport and Communications Policy with respect to the
Internationa] Telecommunication Union and the International Civil Aviation
Organization.
(c) The UNESCO Relations Staff with respect to UNESCO.
8. Responsibility for the administration of the Department's scientific and
technical exchange activities under the U. S. Information and Educational Ex-
change Act of 1948, and under the Act of August i), 1939, authorizing the Presi-
dent to render closer and more effective the relationship between the American
Republics, insofar as these activities are directly related to specific economic
development projects, is transferred from the Office of Educational Exchange
to the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development. Activities
which are not so related remain the responsibility of the Office of Educational
Exchange. The functions, personnel, and records of the Secretariat of the Inter-
departmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation are trans-
ferred from the Office of Education Exchange to the Interim Office for Technical
Cooperation and Development, except for the editorial functions connected
with the publication of "The Record'' and the corresponding personnel and
records, which remain in the Office of Educational Exchange.
9. The Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs will become the Depart-
ment's representative on, and the Chairman of, the Interdepartmental Commit-
tee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, in place of the Assistance Secretary
for Public Affairs. He will also serve as Chairman of the Advisory Committee
on Technical Assistance. The Director of the Interim Office for Technical
Cooperation and Development will serve as Vice Chairman of both committees.
10. The other offices under the Assistant Secretary of Economic Affairs advise
the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development on the economic
feasibility and desirability of projects and programs, from the standpoint of
their respective specialized interests ; make or arrange for such economic studies
and analyses as the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development
may require; and maintain liaison with U. S. and international agencies and
with private organizations on matters within their respective fields of interest
as necessary in the planning and operation of the technical assistance programs.
11. The Director will become a member of the Board of Directors of the
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. The Interim Office for Technical Coop-
eration and Development responsibilities enumerated under 3 and other para-
graphs above apply in full to technical assistance activities, present and future,
carried on by the Institute. The Bureau of Inter-American Affairs exercises
all responsibilities listed under paragraph 5 above with respect to the Insti-
tute's program. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development
and the Bureau of Inter-American Affairs are jointly responsible for develop-
ing such working arrangements as are necessary to insure the administration
of the Institute of Inter-American Affairs as a constituent part of a coordinated
technical assistance program.
12. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development consists
of the following organizational units under the supervision of the designated
officers :
Director : Leslie A. Wheeler, Ext. 3871.
Technical Cooperation Projects Staff, Chief: Haldore Hanson, Ext. 3011,
5012.
Technical Cooperation Policy Staff, Chief: Samuel P. Hayes, Jr., Ext
4r»71, 4572.
Technical Cooperation Management Staff: Richard R. Brown, Director of
Executive Staff. E. Ext. 2155.
(February 21, 1950 J
1514 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 20
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer
I should now like to take up the case of Esther Caukin Brunauer, Assistant
Director of Policy Liaison, UNESCO Relations Staff, Department of State, as a
salary of $9,70G a year according to the current Federal Register.
I urgently request that this committee give serious consideration to the details
of this case and act immediately to ascertain the facts.
Mrs. Brunauer was fur many years Executive Secretary of the American Asso-
ciation of University Women.
Mrs. Brunauer was instrumental in committing this organization to the support
of various front enterprises, particularly in the so-called consumer held. One
such instance of this activity was reported in the New York Times of April 27,
1943. In that case the American Association of University Women joined with
Consumers Union, The League of Women Shoppers, and other completely Com-
munist controlled fronts. I have explained to the committee that these organiza-
tions have heen declared subversive by various governmental agencies.
Exhibit R indicates that Mrs. Brunauer presided at a Washington meeting of
the American Friends of the Soviet Union. This organization has been cited as
subversive by the Attorney General of the United States, the House Committee
on Un-American Activities and the California Committee on Un-American
Activities. The principal speaker at this meeting was Myra Page, long an
avowed leader of the Communist Party and frequent writer for the Daily Worker
and other Communist periodicals.
Certainly this committee has no doubts as to the domination by the Communist
Party of the American Youth Congress. It has been cited as subversive by the
Attorney General and other governmental agencies.
Exhibit S shows Esther Caukin Brunauer was a signer of the call to the annual
meeting of the American Youth Congress in 193S.
Esther Brunauer is the wife of Stephen Brunauer, a Hungarian by birth. He
is a scientist who has had the rank of Commander in the United States Navy and
his scientific work has involved some of the topmost defense secrets which the
armed forces of his country possess.
I think it highly important that this committee immediately, in accordance
with their mandate from the Senate, obtain the files of the Federal Bureau of
Invesigation, Naval Intelligence, and the State Department on the activities of
Stephan Brunauer, the husband of this ranking official of the State Department.
I ask that the committee immediately seek to learn whether or not Stephan
Brunauer has
1. Been the subject of a constant investigation by government agencies over
a period of ten years.
2. A close friend and collaborator of Noel Field, known Communist who re-
cently and mysteriously disappeared behind the Iron Curtain.
3. He has admitted to associates that he was a member of the Communist
party.
I am reluctant to go any further into this case but I am prepared to produce
competent witnesses who will testily to the importance of immediate action in
this matter.
It can be readily shown that at least three government agencies have been
sifting the activities of a small group of people whose work seriously threatens
the security of the country.
Certainly the Communist front activities of Mrs. Brunauer are sufficient to
seriously question her security status.
Exhibit No. 21
"WHO RULES IX SOVIET RUSSIA/"
A Lecture by Myra Page, Author — Educator — Lecturer. Typographical Tkm-
ci];. 423 G Street, X. W., Thursday, June 11th, 1936, S: 3u I'. M. Dr. Esther
Brunaukr. Will Preside
"A timely and interesting discussion on a much debated subject hy a well-
known American writer, who has spent 2 years in The Soviet Union. Myra Page
is the author of several hooks. Her most recent one is ".Moscow Yankee.'' She
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1515
is an instructor ;it Commonwealth College in Arkansas. Formerly on the staff
of the "Moscow Daily News." she is a contributor to the "Nation," "New Re-
public," and other American periodicals and is on the Editorial staff of the Maga-
zine "Soviet Russia Today."
Admission ::."> Cents. Auspices A. F. S. U.
Exhibit No. 22
Calling the Congress of Youth
We the undersigned* urged the organizations of youth and the agencies serving
youth to respond to this Call to the Congress of Youth. We take the initiative
in calling the young people of America together to give them an opportunity to
consider their mutual problems and train themselves for self-government by
practicing citizenship.
John P. Davis. National Negro Congress.
Courtenay Dinwiddie, National Child
Labor Committee.
Dorothy Canfield Fisher.
W. P. Freeman, Order of Rainbow
Girls.
T. Arnold Hill, National Urban League.
Chas Kimball, League of Nations Asso-
ciation.
Mrs. Elgerton Parsons, Pan-Pacific
Women's Association.
Leland Rex Robinson, League of Na-
tions Association.
Lester F. Scott, Camp Fire Girls.
George N. Sinister, Commonweal.
George Soule, editor, the New Republic.
Monroe Smith, American Youth Hostels
Association.
Oswald Garrison Villard, the Nation.
< !. W. Warbasse, Cooperative League of
the U. S. A.
Richard Welling. National Self -Govern-
ment Committee.
Max Yergan, International Committee
on African Affairs.
women's organization
Mary McLeod Bethune, National Coun-
cil of Negro Women.
Esther Caukin Brunauer, American As-
sociation of University Women.
Hannah Clothier Hull, Women's Inter-
national League for Peace and Free-
dom.
Lena Madesin Phillips, International
Federation of Business and Profes-
sional Women.
Josephine Schain, National Committee
on the Cause and Cure of War.
health
Dr. Reginald M. Atwater, American
Public Health Association.
Dr. Kendall Emerson, National Tuber-
culosis Association.
Dr. Edward Hume. Christian Medical
Council for Overseas Work.
E. D. Mitchell, Journal of Health and
Physical Education.
William F. Snow, American Social Hy-
giene Association.
education
LeRoy E. Bowman.
William H. Bristow, National Congress
of Parents and Teachers.
Mrs. H. R. Butler, National Congress of
Colored Parents and Teachers.
President W. W. Comfort, Haverford
College.
President Donald J. Cowling, Carleton
College.
President John W. Davis, West Virginia
State College.
Edgar J. Fisher, Institute of Interna-
tional Education.
Robert Morss Lovett, University of Chi-
cago.
President Henry Noble MacCracken,
Yassar College.
Acting President Nelson P. Mead, Col-
lege of the City of New York.
Ordway Tead, Board of Education, New
York.
Irina E. Voight, National Association of
Deans of Women.
Mary E. Woolley, president emeritus,
Mount Holyoke College.
*The signers are issuing this Call, not as the official representatives of their organiza-
tions, but in their personal capacities as individuals deeply concerned with the role of
young people in the United States.
68970 — 50 — pt. 2-
1516
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
TRADE UNION
Luigi Antoninni, International Ladies'
Garment Workers Union.
Hevwood Broun, American Newspaper
Guild.
Redmond Burr, Order of Railway Te-
legraphers.
Jerome Davis, American Federation of
Teachers.
Frank Gillmore, Associated Actors and
Artists of America.
J. B. S. Hardman, editor, the Advance,
Amalgamated Clothing Workers of
America.
Gardner Jackson, Labor's Nonpartisan
League.
Spencer Miller, Jr., Workers Education
Bureau of America.
Philip Murray, Steel Workers Organiz-
ing Committee.
A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters.
Reid Robinson, International Union of
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers.
Rose Schneiderman, Women's Trade
Urn ion League.
A. F. Whitney, Brotherhood of Railway
Trainmen.
SOCIAL SERVICE
Lucy P. Carner, Council of Social Agen-
cies of Chicago.
Charlotte Carr, Hull House.
Hazel E. Foster, Association of Church
Social Workers.
Helen Hall, National Federation of
Settlements.
Fred K. Hoehler, American Public Wel-
fare Association.
Howard R. Knight, National Confer-
ence of Social Work.
Eduard C. Lindenian, New York School
of Social Work.
Francis H. McLean, Family Welfare
Association of America.
Lillie M. Peck, National Federation of
Settlements.
Mary K. Simkhovitch, Greenwich
House.
Lillian D. Wald, Henry Street Settle-
ment House.
GOVERNMENT
Ruth O. Blakeslee, Social Security
Board.
C. A. Bottolfsen, Governor of Idaho.
Arnold B, Cammerer, National Parks
Service.
Arthur Capper, U. S. Senator from
Kansas.
John M. Coffee, U. S. Representative
from Washington.
L. D. Dickenson, Governor of Michigan.
government — continued
Matthew A. Dunn, U. S. Representative
from Pennsylvania.
James A. Farley, U. S. Postmaster Gen-
eral.
Thomas F. Ford, U. S. Representative
from California.
Frank W. Fries, U. S. Representative
from Illinois.
Lee E. Geyer, U. S. Representative from
California.
Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the In-
terior.
Ed. V. Izak, U. S. Representative from
California.
R. T. Jones, Governor of Arizona.
Marvel M. Logan, U. S. Senator from
Kentucky.
Robert Marshall, United States For-
estry Service.
John Moses, Governor of North Dakota.
James E. Murray. U. S. Senator from
Montana.
Culbert L. Olson, Governor of Cali-
fornia.
Robert F. Wagner. U. S. Senator from
New York.
C. W. Warburton, U. S. Department of
Agriculture.
M. L. Wilson, Under Secretary of
Agriculture.
RELIGIOUS
Henry A. Atkinson. World Alliance for
International Friendship Through
the Churches.
Naomi Brodie, Junior Hadassah.
Mrs. Samuel McCrea Cavert, Young
Women's Christian Association.
Samuel M. Cohen. Young People's
League of the United Synagogue of
America.
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman, Methodist
Episcopal Church.
Robert C. Dexter, American Unitarian
Association.
Mrs. Kendall Emerson, Young Women's
Christian Association.
Frederick L. Fagley, General Council
of the Congregational and Christian
Churches.
Stephen H. Fritchnian, Unitarian
Youth Commission.
William E. Gardner, National Young
People's Christian Union of the
Universalist Church.
Philip B. Heller, American Jewish
Congress.
Rufus M. Jones, American Friends
Service Committee.
Caroline B. Lourie. National Council of
Jewish Juniors.
Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea.
J. Carrel] Morris, Chistian Youth
Council of North America.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1517
religious — continued
Helen Morton. National Intercollegiate Katherine Terrill, Council for Social
Christian Council. Action, Congregation and Christian
Reverend A. Clayton Powell, Jr., , Church.
Abyssinian Baptist Church. Jls4dat7on' * Christian
Henrietta Roelofs, Young Women's Chai.les c> Webber, Methodist Federa-
Christian Association. tioI1 for Social Service.
Carl C. Seitter, National Council of Bishop Herbert Welch, Methodist Epis-
Methodist Youth. copal Church.
NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE PROGRAM
Support of —
Thonias-Larrabee Federal Aid to Education Bill.
Wagner Health Bill.
Bloom Neutrality Act Revision Bill.
Pittman Resolution embargoing violators of Nine-Power Treaty.
Wagner-Van Nuys Anti-Lynching Bill.
Mitchell Bill barring discrimination on interstate carriers.
Wagner Labor Relations Act without amendment.
Wagner-Rogers Child Refugee Bill.
Amendments to Social Security Act extending benefits to migratory, agri-
cultural and domestic workers.
Pensions of $60 per month at age 60.
Extension of Federal Farm Loans.
Placement of C. C. C. under civilian control and extension of educational
program.
Expansion of N. Y. A. and W. P. A.
Ratification of —
Child Labor Amendment.
Repeal of —
Oriental Exclusion Act.
Opposition to —
Smith Omnibus Bill and others directed at curtailment of civil liberties.
OFFICERS ELECTED
The Nominations Committee, elected at the Congress, presented a slate of
Officers, made up from nominations received from organizations and State
Delegation meetings, to the Joint Session of Senate and House. At the Session,
declinations, substitutions, and nominations were accepted from the floor and a
final ballot distributed for the vote resulting in the election of the following
Officers :
Chairman — Jack McMichael, National Intercollegiate Christian Council.
Vice-Chairmen :
J. Carrel Morris, Christian Youth Council of North America.
James B. Carey, United Electric, Radio and Machine Workers of America.
Mary Jeanne McKay, National Student Federation of America.
Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea.
Edward E. Strong/National Negro Congress, Youth Section.
James V. Krakora, Czechoslovak Society of America.
(Representative of farm organization to be named later).
Regional representatives :
New England : Alexander Karanikas, Massachusetts Youth Congress.
Middle Atlantic : Michael Gravino, New York State Youth Council.
East Central : Myrtle Powell, Pittsburgh Y. W. C. A.
South : Thelma Dale, Southern Negro Youth Congress.
Miss Jimmy Woodward, Y. W. C. A., Randolph-Macon College.
South West : Wynard Norman, Oklahoma Citv Youth Assembly.
West Central : Harlan Crippen, Minnesota Youth Assembly.
West Coast and Rocky Mountain : Clara Walldow, California Youth Legis-
lature.
Puerto Rico : Julia Rivera.
1518 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Treasurer : Harriet Pickens, Business and Professional Council, Y. W. C. A.
Executive Secretary : Joseph Cadden.
Representatives-at-Large :
Clarence Carter, Connecticut Conference of Youth.
Daniel J. Spooner, Young Peoples League of the United Synagogue of
America.
Howard Ennes, Washington, D. C, Youth Council.
Joseph Lash, American Student Union.
Margeret Day, National Federation of Settlements.
Josiah R. Bartlett, Social Action Committee, Union Theological Seminary.
(Representatives of Industrial Council, Y. W. C. A. and an A. F. of L. Union
to be named later.)
Elected Officers listed above constitute the Cabinet of the American Youth
Congress.
The Cabinet, meeting on July 5, made the following appointments :
Administrative Secretary — Frances M. Williams.
Legislative Director — Abbott Simon.
CREDENTIALS REPORT
Presented b/i the Chairman of the Credentials Committee, Roy Lancaster of the
ria.s By-Product, Coke and Chemical Workers.
73t> Senators and Representatives representing organizations with a total
membership of 4,G')7,915 (after subtraction for duplication) are accredited at
the Congress of Yoath. Of these, 96 are Senators delegated by 63 different
national organizations ; 640 are Representatives from 450 organizations.
Representation of women is approximately two-thirds that of men. The
youngest delegate is 14 years old and the median age is 22.
Exhibit No. 23
[From the New York Times, Thursday, March 16, 1939]
New Peace Group Is Organized Here — 17 Leaders of Various U. S. Organiza-
tions Join in Drive for Cooperative Program — Oppose Isolation Policy —
Revision of Neutrality Act To Be Sought — Eichelberger Is Elected
Chairman
A new peace organization to campaign for international cooperation under the
leadership of the United States, as distinguished from isolation, was started
here yesterday under the name of the American Union for Concerted Peace
Efforts.
In launching it, seventeen leaders of national organizations declared their con-
viction that the only road to peace for the United States and the world was a
vigorous three-point foreign policy : "To oppose aggression, to promote justice
between nations, to develop adequate peace machinery."
The new peace union likewise announced plans for a Conference of One Hun-
dred to be held in Washington on April 15 and 16 to bring together leaders of
organized public opinion.
Eichelberger Is Chairman
Clark M. Eichelberger, national director of the League of Nations Association,
who was elected chairman of the executive committee of the new peace body,
said yesterday it would emphasize a campaign to support the revision of our
present Neutrality Act along the lines of the amendment recently introduced by
Senator Elbert D. Thomas of Utah.
This amendment would have the practical effect of giving the President and
Congress an opportunity to decide who was the aggressor and to withhold the
economic resources of the United States from the aggressor while continuing to
supply aid to the victim.
"World cooperation alone can protect American interests," said the statement
of principles announcing the new group. "Consequently we support the leader-
ship of the United States in the cooperative use of its moral, diplomatic, and eco-
nomic power to find ways short of war to let the aggressor know that he can go
no further."
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1519
Henry A. Atkinson, general secretary of the World Alliance for International
Friendship Through the Church and Church Peace Union, is vice chairman of the
ii '\v peace anion; Edgar J. Fisher, assistant director of the Institute of Inter-
national Education, is treasurer: and William W. Hinckley, chairman of the
National Council of the American Youth Congress, is secretary.
OTHERS ON THE COUNCIL
Other members of the executive committee are:
Vera W. Beggs, chairman of international relations, General Federation of
Women's Clubs.
Esther Caukin Brunauer, associate in international education, American Asso-
ciation of University Women.
Charles G. Fenwick, Professor of International Law, Bryn Mawr College.
Margaret Forsyth, chairman, women's committee, American League for Peace
and Democracy.
Emily J. Hickman, chairman, international section, public affairs committee,
National Board, YWCA.
Alves Long, former chairman, department of international relations, General
Federation of Women's Clubs. •
Rhoda McCullock, editor of Women's Press, published by the National Board
of the YWCA.
Marion M. Miller, executive secretary, National Council of Jewish Women.
Hugh Moore of Easton, Pa.
Josephine Schain, chairman, National Committee on the Cause and Cure of
War.
James T. Shotwell, president, League of Nations Association.
Mary E. Woolley. chairman, international relations committee, American
Association of University Women.
Exhibit No. 24
[From the New York Times, December 3, 1938]
Peace Group Seeks Aggressor Curbs — Committee Starts Campaign for an
Amendment to ( >ur Neutrality Statute — Would Aid Victim States — Present
Act Assailed as Not Being Neutral and Danger to Peace of This Country
The Committee for Concerted Peace Efforts, composed of leaders of fifteen
national organizations interested in world peace, started a campaign yesterday
for an amendment to the United States Neutrality Act so this country can
"determine the aggressor and apply embargoes to that State only and not to
its innocent victim." The committee's statement, it announced, had been signed
by the entire membership.
The statement called on the American people to write to their Members of
Congress urging "an amendment which will distinguish between aggressor and
victim ; which will stop shipments of munitions and raw materials to aggi'essors."
The present act, according to the statement "is not neutral" and "encourages
aggression and rebellion," "is un-American," and "endangers the peace of the
United States."
The committee asserted that "if these changes were made and the act invoked
Japan could no longer secure from us the 54 percent of the essential war supplies
she must purchase from abroad in order to continue her war in China." The
act. said the committee, should provide that "whenever the President finds that
war exists between nations, in violation of the Kellogg Pact or any other treaty
to which the United States is a party" he shall consult with other States at
peace, determine the aggressor and apply the embargo.
The membership of the committee, as made public yesterday, follows :
Clark M. Eichelberger, national director, League of Nations Association, and
chairman, Committee for Concerted Peace Efforts.
Henry A. Atkinson, general secretary. World Alliance for International Friend-
ship Through the Churches and Church Peace Union.
Edgar J. Fisher, assistant director, Institute of International Education.
William W. Hinckley, chairman. National Council, American Youth Congress.
Mrs. Vera W. Beggs, chairman, International Relations of General Federation of
Women's Clubs.
1520
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, associate in international education, American
Association of University Women.
Charles G. Fenwick, president, Catholic Association for International Peace.
Mrs. Margaret Forsyth, chairman, women's committee, American League for
Peace and Democracy.
Dr. Emily J. Hickman, chairman, international section, public affairs committee,
national board, Y. W. O. A.
Miss Alves Long, former chairman, department of international relations,
General Federation of Women's Clubs.
Mrs. Marion M. Miller, executive secretary, National Council of Jewish Women.
Miss Henrietta Roelofs, executive of public affairs committee, National Board
of Young Women's Christian Association.
Miss Josephine Schain, chairman, national committee on the Cause and Cure
of War.
James T. Shotwell, president, League of Nations Association.
Dr. Mary E. Woolley, chairman, international relations committee, American
Association of University Women,
Exhibit No. 25
PROCEEDINGS— CONGRESS OF YOUTH, JULY 1-5, 1939, NEW YORK CITY
Calling the Congress of Youth
We the Undersigned* urge the organization of youth and the agencies serving
youth to respond to this Call to the Congress of Youth. We take the initiative
in calling the young people of America together to give them an opportunity
to consider their mutual problems and train themselves for self-government by
practicing citizenship.
John P. Davis, National Negro Congress
Courtenay Dinwiddie, National Child
Labor Committee
Dorothy Canfield Fisher
W. P. Freeman, Order of Rainbow for
Girls
T. Arnold Hill, National Urban League
Chase Kimball, League of Nations As-
sociations
Mrs. Edgerton Parsons, Pan-Pacific
Women's Association
Leland Rex Robinson, League of Nations
Association
Lester F. Scott, Camp Fire Girls
George N. Shuster, "Commonweal"
George Soule, Editor, "The New Re-
public"
Monroe Smith, American Youth Hostels
Association
Oswald Garrison Villard, "The Nation"
C. W. Warbasse, Cooperative League of
the U. S. A.
Richard Welling. National Self-Govern-
ment Committee
Max Yergan, International Committee
on African Affairs
women's organizations
Mary McLeod Bethune, National Coun-
cil of Negro Women
Esther Caukin Brunauer, American As-
sociation of University Women
Hannah Clothier Hull, Women's Inter-
national League for Peace and Free-
dom
women's organizations — continued
Lena Madesin Phillips, International
Federation of Business and Profes-
sional Women
Josephine Schain, National Committee
on the Cause and Cure of War
health
Dr. Reginald M. Atwater, American Pub-
lic Health Association
Dr. Kendall Emerson, National Tuber-
culosis Association
Dr. Edward Hume, Christian Medical
Council for Overseas Work
E. D. Mitchell, Journal of Health and
Physical Education
William F. Snow, American Social Hy-
giene Association
EDUCATION
LeRoy E. Bowman
William II. Bristow, National Congress
of Parents and Teachers
Mrs. H. R. Butler, National Congress
of Colored Parents and Teachers
President W. W. Comfort, Haverford
College
President Donald
College
President John W
State College
Edgar J. Fisher, Institute of Interna-
tional Education
J. Cowling, Carleton
Davis, West Virginia
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1521
education — continued
Robert Moras Lovett, University of Chi-
cago
President Henry Noble MacCracken,
Yassar College
Acting President Nelson P. Mead, Col-
lege of the City of New York
Ordwav Tead, Board of Education, New
York
lrma E. Voight, National Association of
Deans of Women
Mary E. Woolley, President Emeritus,
Mount Holyoke College
TRADE-UNION
Luigi Antonini, International Ladies'
Garment Workers Union
Hevwood Broun, American Newspaper
Guild
Redmond Burr, Order of Railway Teleg-
raphers
Jerome Davis. American Federation of
Teachers
Frank Gillmore, Associated Actors and
Artists of America
J. B. 8. Hardman. Editor, "The Ad-
vance," Amalgamated Clothing Work-
ers of America
Gardner Jackson, Labor's Non-Partisan
League
Spencer Miller, Jr., Workers Education
Bureau of America
Philip Murray, Steel Workers Organiz-
ing Committee
A. Philip Randolph, Brotherhood of
Sleeping Car Porters
Reid Robinson, International Union of
Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers
Rose Schneiderman, Women's Trade
Union League
A. F. Whitney, Brotherhood of Railway
Trainmen
SOCIAL SERVICE
Lucy P. Carner, Council of Social Agen-
cies of Chicago
Charlotte Carr, Hull House
Hazel E. Foster, Association of Church
Social Workers
Helen Hall, National Federation of Set-
tlements
Fred K. Hoehler, American Public Wel-
fare Association
Howard R. Knight, National Confer-
ence of Social Work
Eduard C. Lindeman, New York School
of Social Work
Francis H. McLean, Family Welfare As-
sociation of America
Lillie M. Peck, National Federation of
Settlements
Mary K. Simkhovitch, Greenwich House
Lillian D. Wald, Henry Street Settle-
ment House
GOVERNMENT
Ruth O. Blakeslee, Social Security
Board
C. A. Bottolfsen, Governor of Idaho
Arnold B. Cammerer, National Park
Service
Arthur Capper, U. S. Senator from
Kansas
John M. Coffee, U. S. Representative
from Washington
L. D. Dickenson, Governor of Michigan
Matthew A. Dunn, U. S. Representative
from Pennsylvania
James A. Farley, U. S. Postmaster Gen-
eral
Thomas F. Ford, U. S. Representative
from California
Frank W. Fries, U. S. Representative
from Illinois
Lee E. Geyer, U. S. Representative from
California
Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of- the In-
terior
Ed. V. Izak, U. S. Representative from
California
R. T. Jones, Governor of Arizona
Marvel M. Logan, U. S. Senator from
Kentucky
Robert Marshall, United States Forestry
Service
John Moses, Governor of North Dakota
James E. Murray, U. S. Senator from
Montana
Culhert L. Olson, Governor of Califor-
nia
Robert F. Wagner, U. S. Senator from
New York
C. W. Warburton, U. S. Department of
Agriculture
M. L. Wilson, Under Secretary of Agri-
culture
RELIGIOUS
Henry A. Atkinson, World Alliance for
International Friendship Through the
Churches
Naomi Brodie, Junior Hadassah
Mrs. Samuel McCrea Cavert, Young
Women's Christian Association
Samuel M. Cohen, Young People's
League of the United Synagogue of
America
Bishop Ralph S. Cushman, Methodist
Episcopal Church
Robert C. Dexter, American Unitarian
Association
Mrs. Kendall Emerson, Young Women's
Christian Association
Frederick L. Fagley, General Council of
the Congregational and Christian
Churches
Stephen H. Fritchman, Unitarian Youth
Commission
William E. Gardner, National Young
People's Christian Union of the Uni-
versalis! Church
1522 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
religious — continued
Philip B. Heller, American Jewish Con- Henrietta Roelofs, Young Women's
gress Christian Association
Rufus M. Jones, American Friends Carl C. Seitter, National Council of
Service Committee Methodist Youth
Caroline B. Lourie, National Council of Katherine Terrill, Council for Social
Jewish Juniors Action, Congregation and Christian
Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea Church
J. Carrell Morris, Christian Youth Jay A. Urice, Young Men's Christian
Council of North America Association
Helen Morton, National Intercollegiate Charles C. Webber, Methodist Federa-
Christian Council tion for Social Service
Reverend A. Clayton Powell, Jr., Abys- Bishop Herbert Welch, Methodist Epis-
synian Baptist Church copal Church
NATIONAL LEGISLATIVE PE0GRAM
Support Of
Thomas-Larrabee Federal Aid to Education Bill.
Wagner Health Bill.
Bloom Neutrality Act Revision Bill.
Pittman Resolution embargoing violators of Nine-Power Treaty.
Wagner- Van Nuys Anti-Lynching Bill.
Mitchell Bill barring discrimination on interstate carriers.
Wagner Labor Relations Act without amendment.
Wagner-Rogers Child Refugee Bill.
Amendments to Social Security Act extending benefits to migratory, agri-
cultural and domestic workers.
Pensions of $60 per month at age of 60.
Extension of Federal Farm Loans.
Placement of C. C. C. under civilian control and extension of educational
program.
Expansion of N. Y. A. and W. P. A.
Ratification of —
Child Labor Amendment.
Repeal of —
Oriental Exclusion Act.
Opposition to —
Smith Omnibus Bill and others directed at curtailment of civil liberties.
OFFICERS ELECTED
The Nominations Committee, elected at the Congress, presented a slate of
Officers, made up from nominations received from organizations and State Dele-
gation meetings, to the Joint Session of Senate and House. At the Session,
declinations, substitutions, and nominations were accepted from the floor and a
final ballot distributed for the vote resulting in the election of the following
Officers :
Chairman: Jack McMichael, National Intercollegiate Christian Council.
Vice Chairman : J. Carrel Morris, Christian Youth Council of North America.
James P>. Carey, United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America.
Mary Jeanne McKay, National Student Federation of America.
Louise Meyerovitz, Young Judea.
Edward E. Strong, National Negro Congress, Young Section.
James V. Krakora, Czechoslovak Society of America.
(Representative of farm organization to be named later.)
Regional representatives :
New England — Alexander Karanikas, Massachusetts Youth Congress.
Middle Atlantic — Michael Gravino, New York State Youth Council.
East Central— Myrtle Powell. Pittsburgh Y. W. < !. A.
South — Thelma Dale. Southern Negro Youth Congress.
Miss Jimmy Woodward, Y. W. C. A., Randolph-Macon College.
•The signers are issuing this call, not as the official representatives of their organiza-
tions, but in their personal capacities as individuals deeply concerned with the role of
young people in the United States.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1523
OFFICERS ELECTED — COD tinned
South West -Wynard Norman, Oklahoma City Youth Assembly.
West Central — Harlan Crippen, .Minnesota Youth Assembly.
West Coast and Rocky .Mountain — Clara Walldow, California Youth Leg-
islature.
Puerto Kico — Julia Rivera.
Treasurer — Harriet Pickens, Business and Professional Council, Y. W. C. A.
Executive Secretary — Joseph Cadden.
Representatives at Large:
Clarence Carter. Connecticut Conference of Youth.
Daniel J. Spooner, Young Peoples League of the United Synagogue of
America.
Howard Ennes, Washington, D. C, Youth Council.
Joseph Lash. American Student Union.
Margaret Day. National Federation of Settlements.
Josiah R. Bartlett, Social Action Committee, Union Theological Seminary.
(Representatives of Industrial Council, Y. W. C. A., and an A. F. of L. Union
to be named later.)
Elected Officers listed above constitute the Cabinet of the American Youth
Congress.
The Cabinet, meeting on July 5, made the following appointments:
Administrative Secretary — Frances M. Williams.
Legislative Director, Abbott Simon.
CREDENTIALS REPORT
Presented oil the Chairman of the Credentials Committee, Roy Lancaster, of the
Gas By-Prod act, Coke and Chemical Workers
736 Senators and Representatives representing organizations with a total mem-
bership of 4,697,915 (after subtraction for duplication) are accredited at the
Congress of Youth. Of these, 96 are Senators delegated by 63 different national
organizations : 640 are Representatives from 450 organizations.
Representation of women is approximately two-thirds that of men. The
youngest delegate is 14 years old and the median age is 22.
Exhibit No. 26
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Owen J. Lattimore
The State Department, with great frequency, utilizes the services of a large
group of individuals in diverse fields as "consultants."
One of its most regular performers in this field is the man I wish to discuss
next. He is Owen J. Lattimore.
Lattimore was not only a consultant, but one of the principal architects of our
far eastern policy. This man is one of the State Department's outstanding ex-
perts on problems dealing with the Far East and lias been for a number of years.
Lattimore is currently employed as a director of the Walter Hines Page
School of International Relations, located at Johns Hopkins University in Balti-
more, Maryland. He has held numerous positions with the State Department,
among them a 6-month period in 1941 as the political adviser of President
Roosevelt to Generalisimo Chiang Kai-Shek. He was a Deputy Director in
charge of the Pacific Branch of the Office of War Information and in June of
1944, he, with John Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of the
State Department, accompanied Henry Wallace on a diplomatic tour of Siberia
and Free China.
Recently Lattimore completed a State Department mission to India and it is
understood that he is now a consultant in the Department. While the State
Department will tell you that he is not on the payroll as of today, the point is
he is still considered by the Department as one of its top advisers and is put on
and off the payroll as consultant apparently at will, and is apparently one of
the top men in developing our Asiatic program.
This man's record as a pro-Communist goes back many years.
I hand the committee a letter, dated December 19, 1940, on the letterhead of
Amerasia. Again we have the familiar name of Frederick V. Field, Communist
1524 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
chairman of the editorial board. Equally familiar is the name of Jhillip J.
Jaffe, managing editor of the magazine, who was indicted and convicted for
having illegal possession of secret State Department documents. The com-
mittee will note that there follows a list of eight members of the board of this
pro-Communist magazine. It will also observe that 50 percent of the editorial
board of this magazine, whose editor was convicted of possessing State Depart-
ment secret documents illegally, have been or are now highly placed officials of
the Department of State of the United States.
Their names are T. A. Bisson, Owen Lattimore, David H. Popper, and William
T. Stone.
In the June 6. 1046, issue of the Washington Times-Herald there appears an
article, entitled "How Come?" written by Mr. Frank C. Waldrop, editorial
director of that newspaper.
Shortly, I shall read that article into the record, but I should like to mention
in passing that of the 57 instructors in the orientation conference and training
programs for personnel of the Foreign Service and the Department of State,
all but three were Government officials. Those three were Dr. Edward C.
Acheson, Director of the school of foreign service and brother of the present
Secretary of State ; Prof. Owen Lattimore of Johns Hopkins University and
Prof. Frederick L. Schuman. of Williams College, Williamstown. Mass.
But more of this gentleman later.
When Mr. Waldrop asked, "How Come?" he was getting closer to a sordid
picture than he imagined.
Here is what he had to say:
"Herewith an item that may be of interest to Secretary of State Jimmy Byrnes
who is doing his level best these days to cope with J. Stalin's bucking broncos
of the Kremlin.
"Whether he finds it interesting or not, he certainly could with profit ask a
few questions about a project in his own shop going by the title of the 'Orienta-
tion Conferences and Training Programs for Personnel of the Foreign Service
and the Department of State.'
"The writer of this piece sat in, uninvited, yesterday on one of those train-
ing projects and found it nothing more or less than an example to diplomats
on how to needle a man whose back is turned — in this case Gen. Douglas
MacArthur.
"To begin at the beginning, the State Department has a 'division of training
services' which has the very valuable assignment of making better diplomats
of the departmental forces.
"As a part of this, there are scheduled for every workday from Monday
through Friday all this month, a series of lectures by supposed experts on sub-
jects of importance in diplomacy.
"(Don't give up. It concerns You too, because the State Department is sup-
posed to look out for the interests of the United States between wars and you
live here.)
"Of 57 instructors listed to give the developing diplomats the real dope on
their business, all but three are Government officials.
"The three exceptions are : Dr. Edward C. Acheson, director of the school of
foreign service at the George Washington University here and brother of Under
Secretary of State Dean Acheson ; Prof. Owen Lattimore, of Johns Hopkins
University, Baltimore, and Prof. Frederick L. Schuman of Williams College,
Williamstown, Mass.
"Lattimore is a bosom pal of Henry Wallace, the great mind of the ages now
trying to decide whether he can best save the world by staying on in Truman's
Cabinet to bore from within or by resigning to bore from without.
"Lattimore also hangs out with other persons less well known, to an extent
that ought to give J. Byrnes some pause.
"Just an item: He was formerly on the editorial board of Amerasia, the pro-
Soviet magazine that got caught in possession of confidential State Department
documents in 1914 with result that an editor and a State Department employee
were convicted and fined.
"Lattimore also has described Stalin's Mood purges of 1936-39 as 'a triumph
for democracy,' and that, friends, is just a slight sample.
"He's clever, but you invariably find him in all those old familiar places when
you check up. Consider his performance of yesterday.
"Most people have the impression that on the record and the evidence the
welfare of the United States is better looked after in Japan with Gen. Douglas
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1525
Mac-Arthur in solo command, than in Germany whore a four-cornered quarrel
over the remains grows worse and worse.
"To all of this, Dr. Lattlmore yesterday issued an hour-long 'na-a-a-a-ah, it's
lousy.' His line is that the Japs have outsmarted MacArthur In that they are
holding onto a 'conservative' agricultural policy and occasionally rescue one of
their industrialists, hankers and so forth from the hangman's rope.
"Match that up, citizens, with what you've heen hearing from Moscow, if you
bother to listen. And match up with it the realization that such a thought is
the host offered our State Department help as expert inside dope on the Far East.
"How come the State Department has to drag in Owen Lattimore to tell what's
what in the Orient? Hasn't the Department got anybody on its own staff who
knows something?
•And as for the baby lined up for June 10— that F. L. Schuman— he's all
too well known around here, especially to people who have read the record of
the Dies committee.
"But if you don't already know what he is, you can get him completely in a
flash by turning to page 582 of his latest book, 'Soviet Politics At Home and
Abroad.' wherein he states:
"The Russian adventure marks a long forward stride toward human mastery
of man's fate. * * *
'•That is how the State Department's expert instructor on U. S. Soviet
relations sums up Stalin's behavior and the almost 28 bloody years of Communist
dictatorship in Russia.
"No wonder State Department secret documents leak. No wonder Jimmy Byrnes
goes to conferences with Molotov and comes staggering home asking who touched
off the blast !
"This writer plans to sit in on Schuman's June 19 performance, if it comes off,
and will try to report on same in this space. That is, of course, if they don't
lock the door first."
Thus we have the officials of the State Department again warned of a man
who by any "yardstick of loyalty" could not possibly be a good security risk.
Mr. Lattimore himself is a prolific writer and there is no lack of material
for the committee to ascertain exactly where this man stands in the political
scheme of things.
The Reverend James F. Kearney, S. J., writing in the Columbia magazine of
September 1949, gives more first-hand information of great value to the committee.
This magazine is published by the Knights of Columbus, the most prominent order
of Catholic laymen in America.
Here is what Reverend Kearney wrote:
"Who or what has so vitiated the opinion of intelligent Americans on the
China question? Until recently, despite the dust that has been deliberately
thrown in American eyes by pink correspondents, the question could be stated
so clearly and simply that grammar school students could grasp it. Having ex-
plained it to grammar students, I know. Here it is, expressed in monosyllabic
words : "If the Reds win out there, we lose. If they lose, we win. Well, for
all practical purposes, the Red have now won, and in consequence we and the
Chinese have lost. For communism it is the greatest triumph since the Rus-
sian Revolution ; for us, though few Americans yet fully realize it, it is perhaps
the greatest disaster in our history ; and the end is not yet. Who is responsible?
It wasn't a one-man job; short-sighted Chinese officials contributed 50 percent.
There are those who believe, though, that no Americans deserve more credit for
this Russian triumph and Sino-Ainerican disaster than Owen Lattimore and a
small group of his followers.
"Owen Lattimore, confidant of two United States Presidents, adviser to our
State Department, author of 10 books about the Far East, where he has 25
years of travel and study to his credit, was horn in Washington, D. C, but after
a few months was taken* to North China. At 12 he went to study in Switzerland,
then in England, and returned to China as a newsman before taking up explora-
tion, particularly in Manchuria and Mongolia. He then studied in Peiping, first
on a fellowship from the Harvard Yenching Foundation and later on a John
Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation fellowship, knows the Chinese, Mon-
golian, and Russian languages well.
"Returning to the United States at the outbreak of the Sino- Japanese war in
1937, a year later he became director of the Walter Hines Page School of Inter-
national Relations of Johns Hopkins University, a post he still holds. In 1941
he was for 6 months President Roosevelt's political adviser to Generalissimo
Chiang Kai-shek, then returned to the States to enter the OWI, becoming Deputy
1526 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Director to the Overseas Branch in Charge of Pacific Operations. In June 1944,
he and J. Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of the State
Department, accompanied Henry Wallace of the State Department on a diplo-
matic tour of Siberia and Free China.
"So high does Owen Lattimore stand in Washington that it is said that only
two books on President Truman's desk when he announced Japan's surrender
were newsman John Gunther's Inside Asia and Lattimore's Solution in Asia.
Lattimore was next named special economic adviser to Edwin V. Pauley, head of
the postwar economic mission to Tokyo. Though not an authority on Japan, he
did not hesitate to criticize former Ambassador Joseph C. Grew's plan, adopted
by MacArthur, to govern the Japanese people through the Emperior. He be-
lieved that the Emperior and all his male heirs should be interned in China and a
republic set up in Japan.
"In this thoroughly distinguished orientalist's career there are many disturb-
ing features. For example, in former Red Louis Budenz' March 19, 1949, Collier's
article, entitled 'The Menace of Red China.' we read 'Most Americans, during
World War II, fell for the Moscow line that the Chinese Communists were not
really Communists * * * but agrarian reformers * * * That is just
what Moscow wanted Americans to believe. Even many naive Government
officials fell for it. * * * This deception of United States officials and public
was the result of a planned campaign ; I helped to plan it. * * * The num-
ber one end was a Chinese coalition government in which Chiang would accept
the agrarian reformers — at the insistence of the United States. * * * We
could work through legitimate Far East organizations and writers that were
recognized as Orienal authorities. Frederick V. Field emphasized use of the
Institute of Pacific Relations. * * * The agrarian reformers idea started
from there. It took root in leading Far East cultural groups in the United
States, spread to certain policy-making circles in the State Department and broke
into prominent position in the American press. * * * The Communists were
successful in impressing their views on the United States State Department
simply by p'anting articles with the proper slant in such magazines as Far Eastern
Survey, Pacific Affairs, and Amerasia. Both Far Eastern Survey and Pacific
Affairs are publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations. This is not a
Communist organization.' "
(Apparently the writer did not realize that this organization had been cited as
a Communist front by the California Committee on Un-American Activities.
1948 Report, page 168.)
"Where does Mr. Lattimore come in? From 1934 to 1941 he was editor of
Pacific Affairs. Freda Utley mentions him in two of her books. In her Last
Chance in China she tells how Moscow, where she then worked as a Communist,
was able to help its friends and discomfit its enemies in the Far East thanks
to the Institute of Pacific Relations, and that Mr. Lattimore was among those
Americans who came to Moscow for help and advice (p. 193). In her Lost
Illusion (p. 194) she refers to the same 1936 Moscow meeting: 'The whole
staff of our Pacific Ocean cabinet had an all-day session at the institute with
E. C. Carter. Owen Lattimore. and Harriet Moore, leading lights of the Institute
of Pacific Relations. I was a little surprised at the time that these Americans
should defer so often and so eompletelv to the Russian viewpoint. * * *
Owen Lattimore found it difficult at first to submit to the discipline required
of the Friends of the Soviet Union. He told me a few months later in London
how he had almost lost his position as editor of Pacific Affairs because he had
published an article by the Trotskyist Harold Isaacs. In later years in the
United States it did not astonish me to find the Institute of Pacific Relations
following the same general lines as the Daily Worker in regard to China and
Japan.'
"Henry Wallace never claimed to be an expert on the Far East. How much
if any, of his report after returning from the Siberia-China visit was written or
suggested by the oriental expert, Mr. Lattimore, I do not know. One thing
emerges, however: after their return, the American policy which has proved
so disastrous for both Chinese and American interests and so helpful to Russia
was put into effect and is still being pursued. Lattimore's Solution in Asia
was described by one reviewer as 'an appeal to Chiang Kai-shek to free himself
from the galling yoke (of the Kuomintang) and to set free the democratic
forces which have proved effective in northwestern (Tuna,' i. e.. the Chinese
Reds. That book is again referred to in an article by ex-Communist Max East-
man and J. B. Powell in a June 1945 Reader's Digest article. The Fate of the
World Is at Stake in China, wherein they blast the deception 'that Russia is
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1527
a democracy and that tlio Chinese can therefore safely be left to Russian influ-
ence.' Owen Lattimore is perhaps the most subtle evangelist of this erroneous
conception.
"Mr. Lattimore praised the net result of the Moscow trials and the blood purge
by which Stalin secured his dictatorship in 11136-39 as 'a triumph for democracy.'
He now urges our Government, in Solution in Asia, to accept cheerfully the spread
of the Soviet form of democracy in Central Asia. His publishers thus indicate
the drift of bis book: 'He (Mr. Lattimore) shows that all the Asiatic peoples
are more interested in actual democratic practises , such as the ones they can see
in action across the Russian bonier, than they are in the fine theories of Anglo-
Saxon democracies which come coupled with ruthless imperialism.' Does that
sound as if Mr. Lattimore, a top adviser on our far-eastern affairs, is on our
team?
"The same article continues with a prophecy which has just about come true:
'If Russian dictatorship spreads its tentacles across China the cause of democ-
racy (i. e.. United States style) in Asia is lost. As is well known, these tentacles
need not include invading Soviet troops, but only the native Communist parties
now giving allegiance to the Soviet Union and taking their directives from Mos-
cow. When these Communist Parties get control of a neighboring state the
Moscow dictatorship and its fellow travelers call that a friendly government.
It is by means of these Communist-controlled friendly governments — not by So-
viet military conquest — that Russian power and totalitarian tyranny is spread-
ing from the Soviet Union, in Asia as in Europe.
"That is perhaps good background for the current slogan of Mr. Lattimore and
his loyal followers, Edgar Snow, Ted White, Richard Lauteroach, Harvard's
Fairbanks, and many an ex-OWI man — that there's nothing much for America
to worry about because Mao Tse-tung's communism is a nationalist movement.
A moment's reflection should make it clear that the very last thing a real Chinese
nationalist would do would be to swallow hook, line, and sinker the doctrine of
Karl Marx, a German Jew, who besides being a foreigner has a system that
goes counter to every Chinese instinct and every tradition in the Chinese concept
of society.
"This recalls an incident a Belgian priest related to me in Shanghai a year
and a half ago. He bad become a Chinese citizen, and when the Chinese Reds
occupied his church in North China they followed the usual custom (which is
probably news to Mr. Lattimore) of putting up the pictures of Marx and Stalin
in the place of honor above the high altar, with those of Mao Tse-tung and Chu
Teh below. A Chinese Red then told the priest flatly, 'We are going to get rid
of absolutely all foreign influence in China. Our policy is China for the Chinese.'
I can imagine Mr. Lattimore saying, 'Just what I told you.' But the Belgian-
Chinese replied, 'And those two foreign gentlemen up there, Marx and Stalin?
When did they become Chinese citizens?' The Red slunk silently away.
"If anyone is still puzzled by the contention that Chinese Marxists are pri-
marily nationalists, a glance at the Communist Manifesto will clear matters up.
'Though not in substance, yet in form,' we read there, 'the struggle of the pro-
letariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of
each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.'
That, I believe, shows us what is back of the present national slogan our United
States pinks apply to China's Reds. It's not authentic nationalism, of course, as
the Manifesto explains later : 'The Communists are reproached with desiring to
abolish countries and nationality. The workingmen have no country. We can-
not take from them what they have not got.'
"The spurious nature of the nationalism of Mao Tse-tung was admitted by
Mr. Lattimore himself, perhaps unintentionally, in a tape-recorded speech he
gave in San Francisco, December 7, 1948 : 'The Chinese Communists never
made any bones about the fact that they are Marxists. They are Marxist Com-
munists in their international relations. They never question the Russian
line. They follow every twist and turn of it.' That is an important admission
by Mr. Lattimore, since so many of his followers have been trying to tell us
there is no Moscow control over China's Reds. If they follow every twist and
turn of the Moscow line they are evidently not Chinese nationalists as we under-
stand the term, but pseudo-nationalists.
"A. T. Steele and Andrew Roth of the New York Herald Tribune and the Na-
tion, respectively, after getting out of Red Peiping recently, declared that the
Chinese Red leaders are in every sense of the word Communists who stand
squarely and faithfully for the Moscow Party line, and will join the Kremlin
in the coming world war III against the imperialist powers, particularly Amer-
1528
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
ica. They likewise agree that while Mao might possibly become an extreme
nationalist at some future date, another Tito, there is absolutely no evidence
that this is a factor to lie seriously reckoned with for a long time, Mr. Lattimore
to the contrary notwithstanding. Spencer Moosa, latest newsman out of Pei-
ping, confirms their statements. The very first movie put on by the Reds in
the auditorium of the Catholic University in Peiping after they moved in this
year was the Life of Stalin. Need we say it was not anti-Russian V And so,
instance after instance shows the very close connection between Moscow and
Chinese Communism that has been witnessed throughout the last 28 years
by intelligent observers who have lived in Red China— ahere Mr. Lattimore
has never lived.
"To the average American, whom pro-Red propaganda is intended to vic-
timize, it seems quite natural that Mao Tse-tung, a native of China who has
never visited Moscow, should think first of Chinas instead of Russia's interests.
Yet how many native-born Americans are there who, once they join the party,
think nothing of selling out their country and its secrets to the Kremlin? Such
is the strange mesmerism exercised by their Moscow masters. It is, then,
no harder to understand Mao's utter devotion to the party line than it is to
understand that of Foster, or Dennis, or Earl Browder. After all, remember,
a real Communist has no country. And surely Mao has proved he is a 100-percent
Communist. s Let's not be deceived any longer, then, by this fake nationalism of
chi mi's Reds, which is the central thesis of Mr. Lattimore's recent book, The
Situation in Asia.
"If a man who had written 10 volumes about Africa, and thereby won a name
for himself as an authority, should nevertheless maintain that the Negroes in
Africa aren't really black but white, it would be a cause for wonder. Mr. Owen
Lattimore, who has written 10 books on Asia and is called the best informed
American on Asiatic affairs living today, is doubtless well-informed on many
Asiatic matters but unfortunately, if we are to take his written words as an in-
dex of his knowledge of China's Reds, he is very badly misinformed about the
true color of that most important body of individuals and their whole way
of acting. Which reminds me of a recent conversation with one of Mr. Lattimore's
OWI boys who had just returned from a 3-years' correspondent assignment in
China. I asked him why it was that practically all our foreign newsmen, though
supposedly educated in the American tradition of fair play, spoke entirely of
corruption in the Chiang regime but said nothing about the corruption in the Mao
regime. And this man, who was being paid for giving his American readers an
honest picture of conditions in the vital Far East, answered. Because there is no
corruption in the Red regime! I laughed at him for wasting his 3 years in the
Orient and passed him an article showing that not only is the Red regime corrupt,
but from every conceivable American standpoint it is conservatively 10 times
more corrupt than its corrupt opposite number.
"It is probably of such men that Mr. Lattimore, in his book Situation in China
(p. 177), writes: 'Hitherto American observers who have been acutely conscious
of secret police activities in Kuomintang China have had nothing comparable to
report from Communist China.' The reason is that these official observers were
allowed the freedom to observe the limited activities of KMT secret police,
while they weren't even permitted to enter Red China. Had they wished, though,
they could have learned a lot from people, some of them Americans, who had lived
in Red China. They would have heard, for instance, about the 'T'ing ehuang hui,'
or eavesdropper corps, who after killing off all watchdogs, creep up at night,
next to the wall or on the flat roofs of North China homes, to hear what is being
said inside the family about the Communists. Children are rewarded for spying
on their parents and, if anyone is believed to be giulty of anti-Communist remarks,
a terror gang swoops down at midnight and the chances are the unfortunate
victim will be discovered next morning buried alive outside his home. This sort
of secret police and terrorism combined has been so universal in Red China that
if Mr. Lattimore dosn't know about it he knows extremely little of Chinese
Communism.
"As far back as 1045 the predominant sentiment everywhere in Red areas
was fear, universal fear, fear at every instant, according to an official report
of a Frenchman, a former university professor from Tientsin who spent the
years from 1941 to 1!)4f> in Red territoy, and had been haled before both
Japanese and Red tribunals. 'It is not terror,' he says, 'for terror is a fear
which shows itself exteriorily. Here one must not allow his fear to be seen;
he must appear satisfied and approve everything that is said and done. It is a
hidden fear, but a creeping, paralysing fear. The people keep quiet. They do
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1529
not criticize; they avoid passing out any news. They are all aid of tlu-ir neigh-
bor, who may denounce them. They arc afraid of the Reds who might hear
and imprison them. When the Reds Impose a tax, it is paid without a word.
If they requisition anyone for public work, the work is done carefully and
rapidly, without need of any blows and curses as in the time of the Japanese,
and wonderful to say, without any need of supervision. (This is amazing to any-
one who knows the easy-going Chinese character.) I have witnessed groups of
workers along the big highways built by the Japanese, doing exactly the same
kind of work they did for the Japanese, hut how different their attitude! There
was no foreman there to supervise, and yet everything was done carefully, with
hardly a word, without the least hit of joking.' Mr. Lattimore, with his lack
of background, might interpret this as a sign of enthusiasm for the Red mas-
ters. But the report states simply, 'They were afraid.'
"What was true in 1945 in Red areas is also true today according to the very
latest 1949 reports that have filtered through the Bamboo Curtain: 'There isn't
too much suffering from hunger in the city, hut it is impossible to lay up any
reserves. The Communists search every house methodically and confiscate any
surplus. Anyone who complains or criticizes then disappears mysteriously,
buried alive, it is said. No one dares say a word, even to his best friend. In
the country districts conditions are terrible. The Reds take everything; grain,
livestock, clothing, tools, and now all are being mobilised for army service.
Famine reigns everywhere together with fear. The people endure this with
clenched teeth, but when asked how things are going always answer, "Every-
thing is going well." They had better.'
"These reports come from reliable people who were there and know what they
are talking about, and who ridicule the fairy tales Mr. Lattimore from his dis-
tant and comfortable chair in Johns Hopkins spins for eager young Americans
who believe he is an authority on China's Reds. What, for example, could be
further from the truth than this statement in The Situation in China, page 160:
'In China it may be conceded' (not by anyone who knows the situation, though,
if I may interrupt) 'that the Communists hold the confidence of the people to
such an, extent that they can probably do more by persuasion, with less resort
to coercion, than any previous revolutionaries in history. But the Communists
cannot indulge in experiments which the people do not accept, because the armed
and organized peasants, would be able to resist them just as they have hitherto
resisted the return of the landlords.' Sheer nonsense ! The only real landlords
left in lied areas are the Red leaders themselves, and the people know enough
not to try to resist these ruthless masters. For some reason, no one seems to relish
being buried alive; and so the Communists can indulge in absolutely any experi-
ment they choose without the slightest open resistance from the peasants, who
are merely awaiting patiently for better flays.
"Since Mr. Lattimore is patently in error on so many vital points connected
with the China Red question, it becomes more and more strange that his advice
on Red China should be followed almost slavishly by the United States State
Department. It has already brought China to disaster and may, if we continue
to follow it. also ruin America. It might be well to consider what advice he
has given for future United States policy so wTe shall know what a new litany
of Lattimore disasters awaits us.
"He has a chapter on Japan in his 'Situation in Asia' and. though he admits
General MacArthur is a first-class administrator, he dislikes his 'fatherly
mysticism' and 'old-line Republicanism', hints it would have been wiser to give
the Russians more say, considers the present policy as pseudo-realistic and bound
to fail. 'It's likely to blow up in our faces, like a humiliating stink bomb', damag-
ing Mac-Arthur's reputation in the end. He doesn't like keeping the Emperor,
nor the type of democracy MacArthur is giving, apparently preferring for Japan
the totalitarian type Mao Tse-tung is employing in China. Mr. Lattimore doesn't
like to see Japan make a bulwark against Russian expansion, and believes that
since she is possessed of the most advanced technical and managerial 'know-
how' in Asia she will eventually make her own terms with both Russia and
China, without consulting the U. S.
" 'The Japanese, watching America's failure to control the situation in China
through the Kuomintang, have been giggling in their kimono sleeves. In a
queer way it has helped to restore their self-respect for their own failure on the
continent.' He sees no future for Japan apart from the future of Asia, since
she needs the iron and coal of Manchuria and the markets of China.
"In this he is probably right ; that is why it was always to America's vital
interest to see that the Open Door policy and the territorial integrity of China
1530 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
were preserved, though this adviser to our State Department did not think them
very important. He considers East Asia now definitely out of control by either
Russia or America, stating that it forms a group of 'third countries,' which
seem to resemble Nippon's ill-fated East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere. He believes
Japan, then, will come to terms both with Communist Russia and Communist
China, and will end up by being more anti-American than anti-Russian. If we
had only adopted his plan for a Japanese 'democracy' right after the war, what
a deal of trouble we would have saved !
"What, now, are his plans for the mainland? He was long in favor of a
Chiang coalition with the Reds, and blames our 80th Congress for spoiling that.
The result is now Communist control — which of course would have eventuated
just as well had his original coalition idea gone through. We mustn't lay down
our own conditions for dealing with a Red China, he says, or we shall spoil
our favorable position with the Chinese. Has he never heard how Mao's Reds
detest Americans, and hold half a dozen U. S. consuls under house arrest? 'We
must at all costs avoid the appearance of wanting to punish the Chinese people
for having a government which we didn't approve for them in advance.' As if the
Chinese were really anxious for a puppet Red regime. We must not support
any rump government, for that would be dividing China. We must extend credits
to poor Red China and help build it up by trade and American engineering
'know-how' as 'Ford Motors and General Electric did in Russia in the period be-
tween tears'. But let's not lay down any conditions for our aid, by insisting
that Red China be hostile to Red Russia.
"And if all that isn't enough to make Uncle Sam suspect that Owen Lattiniore is
making a fool out of him in the interests of world Communism, the expert goes
much further : 'The new government of China will claim China's Big Five posi-
tion in the United Nations, including the right of veto. By the use of our own
veto we could delay China in moving into this position', but of course it would
be unfair to deprive Russia of another vote, especially since Russia has had
nothing whatsoever to do with imposing Communism on China ! See now why
the pinks are so strong on their insistence that the Red movement in China is
purely nationalistic ? And another vote for Mother Russia ?
"Let's take Outer Mongolia, that voted unanimously to be annexed to Russia
in 1945 — each voter being required to sign his name on his ballot. 'Mongolia,'
he says, 'is between a Communist-ruled Russia and a Communist-controlled
China. It would be an advantage to American policy to be able to emphasize
that there is a country occupying 600,000 square miles of territory * * *
inhabited by people who are neither Chinese nor Russians. It is impossible to
make use of this advantage unless the separation of Outer Mongolia is empha-
sized by membership in the United Nations. * * * It is true that Mongolia
as a member of the United Nations would mean another vote for Russia ; but
would this be a greater disadvantage than our present complete lack of access
to this key country between China and Russia?' (p. 220.)
"Yes, Mr. Lattimore, it would. Considering that the whole United States
had but one vote in the United Nations, while Russia started out with three, it
is simply wonderful of Owen Lattimore to give a couple more Far East satellite
votes to our 'cold war' enemy. Since he is one of the chief advisers to our
Far Eastern State Department Bureau, is it any wonder that disaster has been
piled on disaster in Asia for Americans while world Communism engages in
frenzied applause? If Mr. Lattimore is permitted to turn over one Far Eastern
vote after another to Russia, Moscow will soon dominate the United Nations, and
then can safely discard the veto. Why should one man. whose writings show he
has no knowledge of the character of China's Reds, be allowed to go on un-
challenged promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia? True, he doesn't
say he wants a Red Asia; but the publisher of his 'Situation in Asia' indicates
his intentions when on the jacket of the book they print a map of Lattimore's
Asia, including Japan, Sakhalin, all of China, the Philippines, the Dutch East
[ndies, Siam, Burma, Malaya and India, in nice Soviet Livi\.''
It is uncanny how these State Department policy makers are drawn together
tin)!' after time in an organization or group or project of pro-Soviet nature.
I now hand the committee a booklet setting forth the officers and trustees of
the Institute of Pacific Relations. It will be noted that Mr. Lattimore is a
trustee.
The familiar pattern starts again with Messrs. Lattimore, Hanson, Bisson, and
Jessup.
In the Institute of Pacific Relations, we have such pro-Communists as: Fred-
erick Vanderbilt Field, Philip Jaffe, Kate L. Mitchell, Andrew Roth, Nym Wales.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1531
The Attorney General of the United States lias declared the American Peace
Mobilization to be a subversive organization and the House Un-American Acti-
vities Committee has placed the same stamp of infamy on the Washington
Committee for Aid to China.
The American Peace Mobilization was short-lived. It existed during the days ■
of the Stalin-Hitler Pact and was liquidated by the Communists on the very day
that Hitler invaded the Soviet Union.
Frederick Vanderhilt Field, one of the country's top Communists, was Execu-
tive Secretary of the American Peace Mobilization on Tuesday evening, Febru-
ary 11. 1941, also.
On that date, the Washington Committee for Aid to China, held a meeting
at 16th and "<>" Streets, N. W.. Washington.
At the time This meeting was held, President Roosevelt was under the most
savage attack of his career by Frederick Vanderbilt Field and his American
Peace Mohilization.
The Senators may recall that this was the occasion when the American Peace
Mohilization organized and carried out a twenty-four hour picket line around
the White House. The pickets carried placards denouncing Roosevelt as a war-
mongering tool of Wall Street.
On June 21, 1941, the American Peace Mobilization pickets were still sur-
rounding the White House. When Hitler invaded the Soviet Union on the morn-
ing of June 22, the pickets were withdrawn within an hour. The party line had
changed in a matter of minutes and the American Peace Mobilization then be-
came the American People's Mobilization, urging the immediate entrance of the
United States into the war.
Again, associated with Frederick Vanderbilt Field, we have Owen Lattimore
as the principal speaker at the above meeting on the evening of February 11,
1941, with only two other speakers : One of them was Frederick Vanderbilt
Field.
Here again we have the old familiar pattern of a member of the important
policy-making group of the State Department collaborating with known Com-
munists under the sponsorship of organizations •officially declared subversive.
I hand you an exhibit of the National Emergency Conference for Democratic
Rights, Exhibit 30. On April 21, 1943, the House Committee on Appropria-
tions issued a report citing this organization as "subversive and un-American."
On March 29, the House Special Committee on Un-American Activities cited it
as a Communist front.
On September 2, 1947, on page 12 of its Report No. 1115, the Congressional Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities said, "It will be remembered that during the
days of the infamous Soviet-Nazi pact, the Communists built a protective organi-
zation known as the National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights,
which culminated in the National Federation for Constitutional Liberties."
In its 1948 report on pages 112 and 327, the California Committee on Un-Ameri-
can Activities, after citing it as a Communist-front organization, defending Com-
munists, had this to say : "After the dissolution of the American League for
Peace and Democracy in February, 1940, the Communist Party frantically or-
ganized a new series of front organizations. The National Emergency Con-
ference for Democratic Rights was one of the new fronts and it was filled from
top to bottom with veteran Communist Party-liners."
The Maryland Association for Democratic Rights was an affiliate of the Na-
tional Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights. At a conference of this
organization in Baltimore early in 1944, we have as sponsors, Mr. Owen Latti-
more and his wife.
Once again we have a policy-making State Department and attache collaborating
with those who have sworn to destroy the nation by force and violence.
I find it impossible to visualize this sort of a good security risk under the
"yardstick of loyalty"- outlined by Secretary of State Acheson.
I hand the committee an exhibit of the Writers' Congress of 1943, 31.
On December 4, 1947, and on September 21, 1948, the then Attorney General
Tom Clark in letters to the Loyalty Review Board, cited the Hollywood Writers'
Mobilization as subversive and Communistic. In its 1945 report on page 130,
the California Committee' on Un-American Affairs described this organization
as one "whose true purpose" was "the creation of a clearing house for Commu-
nist propaganda."
On October 1, 2 and 3 of 1943, the Writers' Congress and the Hollywood
Writers' Mohilization held a meeting on the University of California-LA campus
in Westwood. Appearing as the representative of the Office of War Information
was Mr. Owen Lattimore.
68970 — 50 — pt. 2 4
1532 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Here again we have Mr. Lattimore involved as a principal in an organization
declared Un-American by the Attorney General of the United States.
In the magazine "Pacific Affairs" of September 1938, Owen Lattimore de-
scribed the Moscow purge trials as "a triumph for Democracy."
In his book entitled "Solution in Asia," Owen Lattimore declares that among
the people of Asia, the Soviet Union has "a great power of attraction * * *.
It stands for Democracy."
I submit that the background of Mr. Lattimore, his close collaboration and
affiliation with numerous Communist organizations ; his friendsbip and close
cooperation with pro-Communist individuals, leaves absolutely no doubt that he
is an extremely bad security risk under Secretary of State Acheson's "yard-
stick of Loyalty" and in fact, his wide knowledge of Far Eastern Affairs and his
affinity for the Soviet cause in that area, might well have already done tins
nation incalculable and irreparable harm.
So much for Mr. Lattimore.
Exhibit No. 27
Editorial Board: Frederick V. Field, Chairman Philip J. Jaffe, Managing Editor
T. A. Bisson Owen Lattimore David H. Popper
Ch-ao-Tinc Chi Kate Mitchell William T. Stone
Kenneth W. Colegrove Cyrus H. Peake
Amerasia
A Review of America and the Far East
NEW YORK
125 East 52nd St.
Telephone : PLaza 3-4700
December 19, 1940.
Horace W. Truesdell,
Washington Committee for Aid to Chi mi,
1410 H Street NW., Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. Truesdeix: We are of course very sorry that a simple, factual,
practically statistical article should have caused so much difficulty among indi-
viduals. You ask me to explain wliat happened. By this time the whole thing
is so involved that it would take 20,000 words to explain it. Some day when I
see you — I hope soon — I can show you our complete file of correspondence on it
from which you will see that it was impossible for me, as it is today, to judge
the merits of any particular person's claims. But what we are immediately
interested in is that such matters should not become the subject of discussion
in the magazine, having, as it does, such an important function to play in the
Far Eastern world. We feel that it would be indistinctly bad taste, not only
for the magazine but for the individuals involved, to have such explanations pub-
lished, even if I knew what to publish. Of course we are not publishing any
reprint of the article, as both you and Mr. Hu requested.
I suggest that sometime when I am in Washington that all of us have a session
together and try our best to solve the mystery so we may avoid such conflicts
in the future.
Sincerely yours,
Philip J. Jaffe.
pjj.hs
Exit 1 hit No. 28
[From the Washington (D. C.) Times- Herald, June 6, 1946]
How Come?
• (By Frank C. Waldrop)
Herewith an item that may he of interest to Secretary of State Jimmy Byrnes
who is doing his level best these days to cope with J. Stalin's bucking broncos of
the Kremlin.
Whether he finds it interesting or not. be certainly could with profit ask a few
questions about a project in his own shop going by the title of the "Orientation
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1533
Conferences and Training Programs for Personnel of the Foreign Service and
the Departmenl of State."
The writer of this piece sat in, uninvited, yesterday on one of those training
projects and found it nothing more or less than an example to diplomats on how
to needle a man whose back is turned — in this case Gen. Douglas MacArthur.
To begin at the beginning, the State Department has a "division of training
services" which has the very valuable assignment of making better diplomats of
the departmental forces.
As a part of this, there are scheduled for every work day from Monday through
Friday all this month, a series of lectures by supposed experts on subjects of
importance in diplomacy.
[Don't give up. It concerns you, too, because the State Department is sup-
posed to look out for the interests of the United States between wars and you
live here.]
Of 57 instructors listed to give the developing diplomats the real dope on
their business, all but three are Government officials.
The three exceptions are : Dr. Edward C. Acheson, director of the school of
foreign service at the George Washington University here and brother of Under-
secretary of State Dean Acheson ; Prof. Owen Lattimore, of Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity. Baltimore, and Prof. Frederick L. Schuman of Williams College, Wil-
liamstown, Mass.
Lattimore is a bosom pal of Henry Wallace, the great mind of the ages now
trying to decide whether he can best save the world by staying on in Truman's
Cabinet to bore from within or by resigning to bore from without.
Lattimore also hangs out with other persons less well known, to an extent that
ought to give J. Byrnes some pause.
Just an item : He was formerly on the editorial board of "Amerasia," the pro-
Soviet magazine that got caught in possession of confidential State Department
•documents in 1944 with result that an editor and a State Department employee
were convicted and lined.
Lattimore also has described Stalin's blood purges of 1936-39 as "a triumph
for democracy," and that, friends, is just a slight sample.
He's clever, but you invariably rind him in all those old familiar places when
you check up. Consider his performance of yesterday.
Most people have the impression that on the record and the evidence the
■welfare of the United States is better looked after in Japan with Gen. Douglas
MacArthur in sole command, than in Germany where a four-cornered quarrel
over the remains grows worse and worse.
To all of this, Dr. Lattimore yesterday issued an hour-long "na-a-a-a-ah, it's
lousy." His line is that the Japs have outsmarted MacArthur in that they are
holding onto a "conservative" agricultural policy and occasionally rescue one of
their industrialists, bankers, and so forth from the hangman's rope.
Match that up, citizens, with what you've been hearing from Moscow, if you
bother to listen. And match up with it the realization that such a thought is the
"best offered our State Department help as expert inside dope on the Far East.
How come the State Department has to drag in Owen Lattimore to tell what's
what in the Orient? Hasn't the department got anybody o«n its own staff who
knows something?
And as for the baby lined up for June 19 — that F. L. Schuman — he's all too
well known around here, especially to people who have read the records of the
Dies committee.
But if you don't already know what he is, you can get him completely in a flash
by turning to Page 5S2 of his latest book, "Soviet Politics At Home and Abroad,"
wherein he states :
"The Russian adventure marks a long forward stride toward human mastery
of man's fate * * *."
That is how the State Department's expert instructor on U. S. -Soviet relations
sums up Stalin's behavior and the almost 28 bloody years of Communist dic-
tatorship in Russia.
No wonder State Department secret documents leak. No wonder Jimmy
Byrnes goes to conferences with Molotov and comes staggering home asking
-who touched off the blast !
This writer plans to sit in on Schuman's June 19 performance, if it comes off,
and will try to report on same in this space. That is, of course, if they don't lock
the door first.
1534
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 29
The Officers and Trustees of the Institute of Pacific Relations Invite
Yor To Become a Member of Its American Council
One East Fifty Fourth Street, New York City 22, New York
INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS
American Council
I accept your invitation to membership in the IPR. Please enroll me in the
classification checked below. Enclosed is $
Contributing membership carries with it 36 publications annually
($10 to $100)
— the Far Eastern Survey, a biweekly periodical
— Pacific Affairs, a quarterly of research studies
— selected popular pamphlets
— regular newsletter on IPR activities
— notices of new books and other Far Eastern publications
— meetings, lectures and discussion groups (for members near IPR offices)
— 20 percent discount on all IPR books
Supporting membership carries with it
($100 to $2,500)
— all the above items
— specially requested research services. Many individuals, organizations,
firms, and Foundations assist substantially in this way to maintain the
reearch and educational program of the IPR.
Contributing and Supporting memberships help to meet the expense of educa-
tional, research, editorial, library and staff services, and permit a steady expan-
sion of the IPR program.
Contributions are deductible in computing income taxes
Name Occupation
Address
Area Interest
OFFICERS AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES, AMERICAN COUNCIL
Robert G. Sproul, Chairman
Edward C. Carter, Executive Vice Chairman
Joseph P. Chamberlain"
Mortimer Graves
Henry R. Luce
Ray Lyman Wilbur
Brooks Emeny, Treasurer
Tillie G. Stiahn, Assistant Treasurer
Lawrence Morris, Secretary
Vice Chairmen
Edward W. Allen
Raymond B. Allen
Christian Arndt
Paul S. Bachman
Eugene E. Barnett
Pearl S. Buck
George Cameron
Edward C. Carter
Joseph P. Chamberlain
Allan E. Charles
Lauchlin Currie
John L. Curtis
Joseph S. Davis
A. L. Dean
Arthur Dean
Len De Caux
Dorothy Douglas
Brooks Emeny
Frederick V. Field
Henry Field
Galen M. Fisher
G. W. Fisher
Charles K. Gamble
Clarence E. Gauss
Mrs. Frank Gerbode
Huntington Gilchrist
A. J. Gock
Carrington Goodrich
Henry F. Grady
Mortimer Graves
Admiral John W. Green-
slade
William R. Herod
John Hersey
Paul G. Hoffman
William C. Johnstone
Owen Lattimore
< Jharles F. Loomis
Henry R. Luce
Charles E. Martin
Mrs. Alfred McLaughlin
Abbot Low Moffat
Harriet L. Moore
George Abbot Morison
Lawrence Morris
A. W. Robertson
Chester Rowell
Robert G. Sproul
G. Nye Steiger
Donald Straus
George Taylor
Juan Trippe
Henry A. Wallace
Louis Weiss
Sumner AVelles
Lynn White, Jr.
Brayton Wilbur
Ray Lyman Wilbur
Herbert J. Wood
Mrs. Louise L. Wright
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1535
IPK REGIONAL OF] Id B
1151 So. Broadway 417 Market Street
Los Angeles 14. California San Francisco r>, California
215 Columbia Street 1710 C Street, N. W.
Seattle 4. Washington Washington 5, D. C.
Dillingham Building Annex. Halekauwila Street, Honolulu 16, T. H.
The privilege of voting for the Board of Trustees is limited to members who
are American citizens.
THE AMERICAN COUNCIL OF THE INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS
is one of ten national councils in as many countries of the world. The Institute
is a nonpartisan, private, research association supported by business corpora-
tions, by its members, and by Foundation grants. Its chief purpose is to
provide Americans with the facts about economic, political and social develop-
ments in the Far East. It takes on stand on public policy, but through its
publications and meetings provides an impartial forum within which Far
Eastern specialists, who represent many points of view, may analyze issues
frankly.
The American Council of the IPR publishes factual reports and studies in both
book and pamphlet form, and conducts workshops, conferences, and study courses
in many parts of the United States. Over two million copies of its popular pam-
phlets have been used by the Army and Navy, schools, colleges, and study groups.
In 1943, the Rockefeller Foundation Report called the Institute of Pacific
Relations "* * * the most important single source of independent studies
of the problems of the Pacific Area and the Far East."
In 1945 the United States Navy awarded its Certificate of Achievement to the
American Council of the IPR "in recognition of exceptional accomplishment in
behalf of the United States Navy and of meritorious contribution to the national
war effort."
Exhibit No. 30
Program
Friday evening, June Ik
Opening Meeting 8 : 30 p. m.
"Democratic Rights and National Defense"
Speakers :
Josephine Truslow Adams, Swarthmore College.
Walter White, Secretary, National Association for the Advance-
ment of Colored People.
Alfred K. Stern, Chairman, National Emergency Conference for
Democratic Rights.
Labor Speaker (to be announced).
Saturday afternoon, June 15
Registration 1:00 p. m.
General Session 1:30-2:00 p. m.
Presiding Chairman : Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Temporary Vice-Chair-
man Maryland Association for Democratic Rights.
Address : Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for
Democratic Rights.
Round Table Discussions 2:00-4:00 p. m.
Round Table I. Democratic Rights and Labor.
Issues involved : National Defense and Civil Liberties ; the indus-
trial mobilization plan ; legislation and trade unions ; anti-trust
prosecutions.
Round Table II. Democratic Rights and Minorities.
Issues involved : The attack upon the foreign born ; Discrimination
against the Negro ; the anti-lynching Bill ; anti-Semitism ; civil
rights of political minorities ; intellectual freedom in the
schools.
1536
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Saturday afternoon, June 15 — Continued
Round Table III. Democratic Rights and the Church.
Issues involved : The Church and intolerance ; religion in a demo-
cratic society ; freedom of speech for the clergy ; the responsibility
of the Church in the face of attacks upon minorities.
(Chairman and Discussants of Round Tables to be announced).
Business Session 4 : 00-5 : 30 p. mv
Presiding Chairman : Rev. Theodore P. Ferris.
Reports by the Chairmen of Round Tables, with recommendations
for action.
Election of Officers and Continuations Committee.
Maryland Association for Democratic Rights
affiliated to the national emergency conference for democratic rights
franz boas, national honorary chairman
temporary officers
Win. F. Cochran, Chairman
Rev. Theodore P. Ferris,
Vice Chairman
Edna R. Walls, Secretary
Albert Lion, Jr., Treasurer
Bert L. Clarke, Executive Secretary
SPONSORS OF THE CONFERENCE
Mr. I. Duke Avnet Dr. Ernst Feise Rev. Joseph S. Nowak, Jr,
Dr. Floyd Banks Dr. Jonas Friedenwald Charles B. Olds
Walter Bohanan Helen Garvin Maizie Rappaport
Gertrude C. Bussey Sarah Hartman Leon Rubenstein
Marthe-Ann Chapman Sidney Hollander Dr. Leon Sachs
Savilla Cogswell Dr. W. Stull Holt C. A. B. Shreve
J. Marjorie Cook Mrs. Anne G. Huppman Dr. Henry E. Sigerist
Mrs. Henry E. Corner Owen Lattimore H. Bowen Smith
Dorothy Currie Mrs. Owen Lattimore William Smith
Fred D' Avila Claire Leighton Wm. F. Stark
Carrington L. Davis Edward S. Lewis Arthur K. Taylor
Mrs. Edmond S. Donoho Charles W. Mitzel
Jacob J. Edelman Samuel R. Morsell
In order to facilitate arrangements for the Conference, please return this blank ta
the address below as soon as possible
registration blank
Maryland Association for Democratic Rights,
19 Medical Arts Building, Baltimore, Md.
Name
Address
Please check your basis of participation in the Conference :
Individual
Representative of an organization
Organization
Total membership of organization
(Each organization is entitled to at least two delegates. Organizations
having more than 100 members are entitled to one delegate for every
additional 100 members.)
Registration Fee enclosed : 25c per delegate.
Exhibit No. 31
WRITERS CONGRESS— 1943
University of California, L. A. Campus, Westwood. Joint Auspices, Univer-
sity of California, Hollywood Writers Mobilization, Friday, Saturday,
Sunday, October 1, 2, 3
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1537
WRITERS IN WARTIME
Writers face tremendous and argent tasks in relation to the war. The spoken
and written word and the image on the screen are of crucial importance in de-
veloping civilian and military morale, in bringing the promise of victory to the
countries under Axis tyranny, in cementing the unity of the United Nations, in
clarifying the conditions for a just and lasting peace. In this second year of the
conflict, the effective use of word and image is vital to the winning of the war.
Believing that this places a direct responsibility on all writers, and seeking
to find ways and means by which the writer can understand and fulfill his obliga-
tions, the University of California and the Hollywood Writers Mobilization will
hold a Congress of professional writers for the achievement of the following
purposes :
To analyze propaganda techniques as weapons of victory; to sharpen the crea-
tive skill of writers by pooling their creative experience and knowledge ; to in-
vestigate the most effective use of new media of expression ; to strengthen firm
and continuous cultural understanding among the United Nations; to mobilize
the entire writing profession in a program of action for the free world of
tomorrow.
Opening session, Friday evening, 8: 15 p. m., October 1, 1943
EOYCE HALL, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
Welcome Robert G. Sproul, President, University of California
Reading of message from President Franklin D. Roosevelt
The Writers Congress Marc Connelly, Ralph Freud
Robert Rossen, Chairman
GREETINGS FROM THE UNITED NATIONS
Thomas Baird Great Britain Yu Shan Han China
Phyllis Bentley Great Britain Mikhail Kalatosov U. S. S. R,
Nehemias Gueiros, Enrique de Lozada, Jose Ramos, Hernane Tavares de Sar
South America
SPEAKERS
Lieut. Col. Evans Carlson, United States Marine Corps
Y. Frank Freeman, Motion Picture Producers Association
Owen Lattimore, Office of War Information
Col. Carlos Romulo, the Philippines
Walter White, N. A. A. C. P.
GUESTS
James Cagney Thomas Mann Kenneth Thomson
Theodore Dreiser Elliott Paul Walter Wanger
D. D. Durr Capt. Paul Perigord Jack L. Warner
Lion Feuchtwanger Calvin J. Smith Col. Darryl F. Zanuck
A Cappella Choir — Director, Ray Moremen
Saturday Morning, 10 a. m. to 12:30 p. m., October 2, 19',3
A panel discussion is a general sociological and psychological approach to a
subject. A seminar treats the subject in relation to a specific, technical craft.
Location of sessions will be posted at Royce Hall, Friday evening, October 1st.
SEMINARS
The feature film
First Session: Dore Schary, Chairman; Sidney Buchman ; William Dozier ;
Talbot Jennings ; Col. Darryl F. Zanuck.
Treatment of the war in motion pictures. Responsibilities, accomplishments,
challenges to be met. Survey of war films made and to be made. Trends in the
story market. Indications for the future.
Radio news and analysis
Fox Case, Chairman; Harry W. Flannery ; Sam Hayes; Chet Huntley;
Clinton Jones ; Hubbard Keavy ; Nelson Pringle ; Wallace Sterling.
1538 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Methods employed in assembling, rewriting, and airing the news. An actual
radio news program prepared and broadcast before the audience of the seminar.
The role of the press
First Session : John Cohee, Chairman ; Alexander Kaun ; Robert C. Miller.
War coverage. The war correspondent. Covering the home front. The
labor press. The future functioning of the press in the war effort.
Song writing in tear
Arthur Schwartz, Chairman : Ira Gershwin ; Oscar Hammerstein, II ; E. Y.
Harburg ; Leo Robin ; Earl Robinson.
The contribution of the song to the war effort. The role of the writer. Goals
to reach. .uJ
Radio television
Lewis Allen Weiss, Chairman ; Klaus Landsberg ; Gilbert Seldes.
The challenge of a new medium. Present status. The transition period. The
writer in relation to television. Technical and economic implications.
Humor and the war
A. S. Burrows ; Carroll Carroll ; Cornwall Jackson ; Phil Leslie ; Leonard
Levinson; Sam Moore; Don Quinn; Frederic Rinaldo ; Melville Shavelson.
Humor in relation to the morale of the soldier and the civilian.
Saturday Afternoon, 2 to 5 p. in., October 2, 19J/3
PANELS
The nature of the enemy
John Wexley, Chairman ; Lion Feuchtwanger ; David Hanna ; Mikhail Kala-
tosov ; Dudley Nichols ; Col. Carlos Romulo ; Virginia Wright.
Treatment of the Enemy in films, books and radio. Survey and comparisons of
Enemy types. The writer probes the Nazi "mind." How should Japan's racist
political philosophy be treated by the writer? The key question: How closely
are the German and Japanese people to be identified with their rulers?
The American scene
Robert Rossen, Chairman; Howard Estabrook; Franklin Fearing; James
Felton: Bernard Gordon; Milton Merlin; Carleton F. Morse; Nat Wolff.
Tensions and dislocations at home. The family under constantly changing
social and economic conditions. The psychological factors which underlie cre-
ative writing in relation to the home front.
Indoctrination and training film
Capt. Bernard Vorhaus, Chairman ; Thomas Baird ; Lt. Col. Owen Crump ;
Lt. Col. Evans Carlson; Maj. Harrison Jacobs; Lt. Com. J. C. Hutchinson.
The function of the training film. Reports on visual orientation courses.
Showing of motion pictures exemplifying work of all branches of service.
Saturday Evening, 1:30 to 10:30 P. M., October 2, 19-'t3
PANELS
Minority groups
Leonard Bloom, Chairman; Cbarlotta Bass; Carlos Bulosan; John Collier;
Harry Hoijer"; Carey McWilliams ; Samuel Ornitz ; Dalton Trumbo ; Walter
White.
Historical and scientific background of the minority problems . . . The
writer's treatment of the question. The Negro : Case history of a minority
group.
Pan-American affairs
Ralph Peals. Chairman : Xehemias Gueiros ; Enrique de Lozada ; Jose Ramos ;
Hernane Tavares de Sa.
Inter-American relations in their sociological, political, and economic aspects.
Educational and linguistic problems defined and examined.
Propaga n it a a n a lysis
John B. Hughes. Chairman ; Lyman Bryson : Gordon Kahn ; Paul Lazarsfeld;
W. E. Oliver, Charles Seipmann; Frances Wilder.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1539
Propaganda techniques in relation to the American scene . . . The writer's
influence is strengthening the home front.
Probh ins of peace
Gordon S. Watkins, Chairman; Phyllis Bentley ; Yu Shan Han; Vladimir
Pozner; Robert Riskin.
Postwar Internal planning. Postwar international cooperation . . . Cultural
understanding among nations . . . The writer and his new audience.
Sunday Homing, 10 a. in. to 1,2:30 p. in., October 3, 191,3
SEMINARS
Writers in exile
Phyllis Bentley, Chairman: Gustave Aiit ; Lion Feuchtwanger ; Thomas
Mann ; Alexis Minotis ; Capt. Paul Perigord.
The exiled writer's relation to his home country- His creative and economic
problems . . . His return to his home country in the postwar world.
The role of the press
Second Session; Hobart Montee; Morris Watson.
War coverage . . . The war correspondent . . . Covering the home front . . .
The labor press . . . The future functioning of the press in the war effort.
Short-wave radio
Glan Heisch, Chairman; John Burton; E. T. Buck Harris; Lt. Col. Tom
Lewis ; Larry Rhine.
Short-wave radio programs for our troops abroad . . . Propaganda uses . . .
Actual illustrations of psychological warfare broadcasts by radio Tokyo . . . and
by U. S. stations.
The documentary film
Leo Hurwitz, Chairman; Thomas Baird; James Wong Howe; Joris Ivens;
Kenneth Macgowan ; Sgt. Ben Maddow ; Arthur Mayer.
The morale film . . . Wartime documentaries in commercial theaters . . .
Comparison of work accomplished in various United Nations.
Music and the tear
Lou Cooper ; Hanns Eisler ; Gerald Strang.
Music as an integral element of film and radio . . . The demands placed upon
music by the war.
Sunday Afternoon, 2 to 5 p. in., October 3, 19Jt3
seminars
The feature film
Second Session: Thomas Baird; Thomas Chapman; Jorge Delano, Sr. ;
Mikhail Kalatosov ; Robert Rossen.
The United Nations. Speakers from the British and Russian film industries.
A comparative survey. Concrete proposals for more effective screen writing
in terms of content and technique.
The animated cartoon
Phil Eastman, John Hubley, Karl van Lueven.
The unique position of the animated cartoon among war films . . . New oppor-
tunities for the writer and for the artist . . . Social and educational aspects.
Creative radio
Paul Franklin, Chairman; Hector Chevigny, Norman Corwin, Ranald Mac-
Dougall, Arch Oboler, Jack Runyon, Bernard Schoenfeld.
The radio dramatist in wartime . . . The commercial writer . . . Docu-
mentary radio . . . Evaluation of current tendencies . . . The future of creative
radio writing.
Publicity and the war
Cecil Carl, Chairman.
The role of the motion picture publicist . . . Exploitation and advertising in
the war effort.
1540
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Sunday Evening, 7:30 to 10:30 p. m., .October 3, 19.'f3
Concluding Session: Royce Hall — Reports From Panels and Seminars;
Resolutions — Program of Action
(Meals will be served on the Campus at nominal prices)
Committees of the Writers Congress
Gustave Arlt
Sidney Buchman
Fox Case
Marc Connelly
Jean Dalrymple
William Dozier
Charles Einfeld
Franklin Fearing
Y. Frank Freeman
Ralph Freud
Gnstave Arlt
Bill Blowitz
Richard Collins
Franklin Fearing
Paul Franklin
Sheridan Gibney
Talbot Jennings
co-chairmen
Marc Connelly ; Ralph Freud
treasurer
Francis Edwards Faragob
advisory committee
Francis H. Harmon
John B. Hughes
Joris Ivens
Stephen Longstreet
Alfred E. Longueil
Kenneth Macgowan
.Mary C. McCall, Jr.
William Morris, Jr.
Dudley Nichols
Mark Sandrieh
general committee
Howard Koch
John Howard Lawson
Melvin Levy
Alfred E. Longueil
Milton Merlin
Josef Mischel
Sam Moore
Carl Sandburg
Dore Senary
Arthur Schwartz
Robert G. Sproul
Rex Stout
Lamar Trotti
Walter Wanger
Jack L. Warner
Walter White
Col. Darryl F. Zanuck
Arch Oboler
W. E. Oliver
H. R. Reynolds
Allen Rivkin
Robert Rossen
Zachary Schwartz
Publicity direction, Vic Shapiro and staff ; executive secretary, Jane Mead
committees on panels and seminars
Minority groups
Ring Lardner, Jr., Chair-
• man
Charles Brackett
Edward Dymtryk
Everett Freeman
Don Hartman
Harry Hoijer
Robert Josephs
Carey McYVilliams
David Robison
Frank Tuttle
Nature of the enemy
John Wexley, Chairman
Fiances Goodrich
Albert Hackett
David Hertz
Dan James
Emmett Lavery
Stephen Longstreet
Marva Ross
Allan Scott
Propaganda analysis
Franklin Fearing, Chair-
man
Ben Barzman
Sidney Carroll
John Houseman
John B. Hughes
Sidney James
H. R. Reynolds
Cameron Shipp
Frances Wilder
American scene
Robert Rossen, Chairman
Edward Chodorov
Howard Estabrook
Franklin Fearing
F. Hugh Herbert
Problems of peace
.Melvin Levy, Chairman
Bill Blowitz
George Corey
Problems of peace — Con.
Sheridan Gibney
Richard Hocking
Sgt. Bob Lee
Milton Merlin
Hugh Miller
W. E. Oliver
Caroline Pratt
Hans Reichenbach
Paul Trivers
J'a))-. [merican affairs
Louis Solomon, Chairman
Irwin Braun
J. Robert Bren
Enrique de Lozada
Ilernane Tavares de S"a
Gerald Smith
Guy Endore
Manuel Gonzales
Jackson Leighter
Kenneth Macgowan
Joan Madison
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1541
COM M 1TTEK
Pa n-A hi erica n a ft a trs —
Continued
H.'R. Reynolds
Allen Hivkin
Waldo Salt
Leo Town send
Marion Zeitlin
Feature film
Richard Collins, Chair-
man
William Dozier
Talbot Jennings
JFay Kanin
Michael Kanin
Howard Koch
Dudley Nichols
Maurice Rapf
Meta Reis
Dore Schary
Lamar Trotti
Documentary film
Joris Ivens, Chairman
Bernard Gordon
Ian Hunter
Jay Leyda
Training films
('apt. Bernard Vorhaus,
Chairman
Lt. Commander J. C. Hut-
chinson
Major Harrison Jacobs
Lt. Fanning Hearon
Sgt. Stanley Rubin
Corp. Alex Greenberg
Henry Blankfort, Jr.
Edgar Peterson
Animated cartoon
iZachary Schwartz, Chair-
man
Graham Heid
Winston Hibler
Sgt. John Hubley
William King
Karl Van Leuven
Norman Wright
Creative radio
Arch Oboler, Chairman
Bernard Schoenfeld
s on panels and seminaus — continued
Humor and the war — Con.
Melvin Frank
Leonard Leviuson
Phil Leslie
Sam Moore
Norman Panama
Creative radio — Con.
Sam Moore
Wendell Williams
Radio neivs and analysis
Fox Case, Chairman
Radio shortwave
Glan Heisch, Chairman
Georgia Backus
Publicity and war
Tom Alfred
Bill Blowitz
Cecil Carle
Lou Harris
Role of press
II. R. Reynolds, Chairman
Charles Cosgrove
Donald Mac-Donald
John Maloney
W. E. Oliver
Robert Tonge
Writers in exile
Josef Mischel, Chairman
Gustave Arlt
Kurt Neumann
Song writing in war
Earl Robinson, Chairman
Leo Robin
Arthur Schwartz
Music and the war
Carroll Hollister, Chair-
man
Mischa Altman
Florence Byrens
Sol Kaplan
Gale Kubik
Lydia Marcus
Earl Robinson
Gerald Strang
Cyril Towbin
Humor and the war
Stanley Roberts, Chair-
man
A. S. Burrows
Julius Epstein
Don Quinn
Frederic Rinaldo
Fred Saidy
Melville Shavelson
Arrangements
Francis Edwards Fara-
goh, Chairman
Milton Merlin, Vice-
Chair man
Gustav Arlt
Fox Case
Franklin Fearing
Ralph Freud
Fred Grable
Hy Kraft
John Howard Lawson
Stephen Longstreet
Alfred E. Longueil
Melvin Levy
Mrs. Robert Rossen
Herman Rotsten
Adrian Scott
Jack Stanley
Mrs. William Wyler
Publicity
Bill Blowitz
John Clark
John Flinn
Chandler Harris
Jerry Hoffman
Leonard Neubauer
George Thomas, Jr.
Tickets
Jane Murfin, Chairman
Harold Buchman
Earl Felton
Robert E. Kent
Lewis Meltzer
Ann Roth Morgan
Frank Partos
Marguerite Roberts
Stanley Roberts
Richard Weil
GUILDS PARTICIPATING IN THE HOLLYWOOD WRITERS MOBILIZATION
Robert Rossen, Chairman
Paul Franklin, Vice Chairman
Pauline Lauber Finn, Executive Secretary
■Screen Writers Guild Screen Cartoonists Guild
Radio WTriters Guild American Newspaper Guild
Screen Publicists Guild Independent Publicists Assn.
Screen Readers Guild Song Writers Protective Association
1655 NORTH CHEROKEE, HOLLYWOOD 2 8, CALIFORNIA
1542 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 32
Senator McCarthy's Statement on Gustavo Duran
The Committee will recall that the name of Gustavo Duran was first mentioned
hy me as a possible bad security risk in a speech which I made in Reno, Neva'da.
At that time I said : "Now, let's see what happens when individuals with
Communist connections are forced out of the State Department. Gustavo Duran,
who was labeled as (I quote) 'a notorious international Communist,' was made
assistant to the Assistant Secretary of State in charge of Latin American Affairs.
He was taken into the State Department from his job as a lieutenant colonel
in the Communist International Brigade. Finally, after intense congressional
pressure and criticism, he resigned in 1946 from the State Department — and
ladies and gentlemen, where do you think he is now? He took over a high-sal-
aried job as Chief of Cultural Activities Section in the Office of the Assistant
Secretary General of the United Nations."
This statement was promptly ridiculed by the Secretary of State who— through
Mr. Peurifoy — merely said that this man Duran was no longer an employee of
the State Department, but had been in the auxiliary foreign service from Jan-
uary 1943 until September 1945, and thereafter until October 4, 1946, in the
Department. Mr. Peurifoy added that Duran had voluntarily resigned from
the State Department on October 4, 1946.
One of the important facts that the Secretary overlooked in making this press
release is that this man is still, as of today, a high salaried official in the United
Nations. On March 8th my office phoned the office of Trygve Lie to find out
exactly what type of work he was doing. My office was advised that information
could not be given to me. The State Department advised me that Duran is
now Chief of the Cultural Activities Section of the Department of Social Affairs,
United Nations.
I was surprised to find that the Permanent Secretary of the United Nations
felt he could not give to a United States Senator the information as to what this
man was doing. However, since that time I have had the matter checked in New
York and am informed he is actually with the International Refugee Organiza-
tion, engaged in work having to do with screening refugees coming into this
country. The financial contribution which the United States makes toward the
running of this United Nations' agency amount to 45.57 percent. (Senate Report
1274, 81st Congress, 2d Session, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive
Departments, prepared by Subcommittee on Relations with International Organ-
izations.)
At the time that Acheson's man attempted to ridicule my statement, he either
did not know the facts in the case or he was covering up the information whicl>
is in the files and which should have been known to him.
This information, which I shall document for the committee, was known or was
available to the State Department. It shows that Duran was (1) well-known
for his rabid Communist beliefs and activities, (2) that he was active in secret
Soviet operations in the Spanish Republican Army, (3) that a highly confidential
report was sent to the State Department by the Military Attache at the American
Embassy in Madrid which according to all existing rules called for Duran's im-
mediate dismissal — unless the facts were proven to be wrong. Originally, I
understand it was claimed that this was a case of mistaken identity. That claim,
I believe, has been subsequently dropped in view of the fact that our intelligence
produced pictures of him in the uniform that he wore at the time he was the
regional head of SIM.'which was the Spanish Counterpart of the Russian NKVD
or OGPU. I now hand the committee one of those pictures.
At the time this intelligence report reached the State Department, Duran was
a highly placed official in a confidential capacity with the State Department
in South America.
When the American people read the carefully prepared statement put out by the
Secretary of State's office in regard to the Duran statement, they were entitled to
rely upon it as being the truth. Unfortunately, anyone who believed that state-
ment got a completely erroneous impression of the actual facts.
Whichever way you wish to interpret this situation I submit to the Committee
that it is typical of the carelessness of the top executives of the State Department
of this country. The situation I have just discussed is typical of the type of
news releases emanating from the State Department; it is typical of the half
truths we hear in answer to the information which I have been developing in
regard to the bad security risks in that Department.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1543
I now submit to the committee the Intelligence Report just referred to in its
entirety. It will be noted the State Department received a copy of it. There are
certain matters discussed in this report which I do not feel should be made public
until the committee has had a chance to thoroughly look into them. I have,
therefore, deleted these sections from the copies being handed to the^ press and
will not read them into the record at this time. The entire report, however,
with nothing deleted is being handed to each of the members of the committee.
B. I. D. No. 7232.
Report No. R-290/46.
Confidential Intelligence Report for General Use by any U. S. Intelligence
Agency
June 4, 194G.
From : Military Attache, American Embassy, Madrid, Spain.
Source : Spanish Army Central General Staff. B-3.
Area Reported On : Spain.
Who's Who: Gustavo Dtjran.
Following is the report given the Military Attache by the A. C. of S., G-2,
Spanish Central General Staff, After the M/A asked whether Dtjran was known:
1. "Gustavo Dtjrah came to Madrid for the first time in the nineteen twenties
from the Canary Island, in the company of another Canarian, a painter called
Nestor, who was registered by the Spanish police for the same reasons as
Duran * * *. As a friend of Nester, Gustavo Duran became employed as
a pianist in the company of Antonia Merce the 'Argentinita' and went to Berlin
to participated in that capacity in dance shows. However, his * * * caused
him to incur the fury of the Berlin police, which finally ousted him from Germany.
2. "Similar trouble happened to him in other Europen capitals.
His * * * grew to the limit in Paris, which was the preferred center for
his activities some years before the advent of the Spanish Republic in 1931,
while he was under the protection of his friend Nestor, the painter, who was
well known in certain Parisian quarters. About that time the Soviets entrusted
Gustavo Duran with some missions and finally appointed him their agent.
3. "Upon the proclamation of the Spanish Republic, the 'Porcelana' (as he
was nicknamed) returned to Madrid. His identity papers indicated that he was
the representative of the Paramount Film Co. However, bis true mission was
service of the GPU. Duran was greatly successful in his activities due to the
political protection he enjoyed. He soon became one of the leading members of
the Youths of the Communist Party and greatly contributed to the merger of
the Communist Youths with the youths of the Spanish Labor Party, thus giving
birth to the JSU ('Juventudes Socialisitas Uniflcadas' — United Socialist Youths),
of fateful remembrance, since this organization committeed the most cold-
blooded crimes before 18 July 1936 (date of the military uprising) and during
the Red revolution which ensued.
4. '•During the republican regime (1931-1936) Duran continued practising
his * * *. Together with other 'close' friends of his and some young
pro-Communist poets, among whom Alberty was noted, Duran succeeded in be-
coming notorious. All them were his tools and all them were made into active
Communists. In Duran's home located * * *, such meetings took place
that the police had to interfere frequently, thus giving occasion to complete his
record as * * * in the files of the General Directorate of Security. This
record as * * * was probably removed by his friend Serrano Poncela, who
was the Chief of the 'Red' Police during the months of October and November
1936 in Madrid and political reporter of 'Mnndo Obrero' (a Communist news-
paper) and Chief of the JSU Duran's release from his frequent imprisonments
for * * * conduct was due to his powerful political protectors, who blindly
obeyed orders from the Soviet political police.
5. "Upon the national uprising (beginning of Civil War) Gustavo Duran took
over the nearest convent to his house, called las Siervas de Maria,' located at
the old Chamheri Plaza. He was there the 'responsable', or chief. He was
afflicted there with typhoid fever during the month of August 1936.
The ''Cause General" (General Judicial Proceedings) has information about
the crimes perpetrated by the militia under the command of Duran's "choca"
(illegal prison). He was one of the principal leaders of the popular militia
created by the Communists. He was a personal friend of Lister and Modesto
(commanders of Red brigades, now Generals in the Russian Army) and soon
1544 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
became captain, major and lieutenant colonel of the "Red" Army. He belonged
to the General staff of the "Red" forces which directed the "brilliant" with-
drawals of Talavera de la Reina, Maqueda, Toledo, etc.
6. "When the international brigades were brought into the Madrid and Aran-
juez fronts, Gustavo Duran formed part of the High Russian General Staff,
with headquarters at Tarancon and its vicinity, where they left sad and hideous
recollections.
7. "After Tarancon we (the Spanish Intelligence Service) lost track of Duran.
It appears that he went to Moscow with a delegation of male and female mem-
bers of the "Red" Army. It appears that later he was for some time in Paris.
8. "And now he is in Washington as a collaborator of Spruille Braden, Chief
of a Section of the State Department."
9. M. A. Comment : A very reliable Spaniard who is anti-Franco in sympathies
but is middle of the road republican and extremely pro-U. S. and democratic
in his views states that he knows personally that Duran as commander officer
of an international brigade in a small town not far from Madrid ordered the
execution of the town electrician and another man who was a mason, neither
of whom has committed any act for which they should have suffered this
execution.
1332 Wendell G. Johnson,
Colonel, G. S. C, Military Attach d.
The Honorable Kenneth S. Wherry wrote to the State Department on August
2, 1946, demanding the immediate discharge of Duran. I now submit this letter :
August 2, 1946.
The Honorable James F. Byrnes,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
Dear Secretary: As a member of the Appropriation Committee, on April 18,
1946, I asked for investigation of certain persons holding positions of trust and
responsibility in your Department.
It was my purpose then and is now to withhold appropriations that finance
the salaries and activities of anyone in the State Department whose allegiance
apparently is to some other country rather than to the United States.
You will recall, Mr. Secretary, that when you appeared I questioned you about
some of these officials and among them was a Gustavo Duran. This was just
prior to the Carter Glass funeral. At that time you stated there was a question
of identity of Gustavo Duran. You stated further an investigation had revealed
that he was some other person than the man in the State Department, who has
been an assistant to Spruille Braden.
It has now come to my knowledge there exists an extensively military intelli-
gence report on this man, Gustavo Duran, and I am reliably informed that several
copies of this report have been delivered to the State Department.
I am now making this formal request upon you in my official capacity as a
United States Senator, and as a member of the State Department Subcommittee
on Appropriations, that on the basis of this report you immediately discharge
Gustavo Duran.
Cordially yours,
Kenneth S. Wherry.
KSW:emn
After Senator Wherry wrote this letter to the State Department, demanding
the immediate discharge of Duran, he received on September 14, 1946, the-
following letter from Six. Donald Russell, the Assistant Secretary of State.
Assistant Secretary of State,
Washington, September 14, 1946.
The Honorable Kenneth S. Wherry,
United States Senate.
My Dear Senator: I am in receipt of your recent inquiry about the security
investigation by the Department of Mr. Gustavo Duran. As you know, the
Department has a Security Committee which confines itself to reviewing security
investigations and to making recommendations based thereon. Of course, this
committee has nothing to do with reviewing the qualifications or competency of
the person reviewed for a position in the Department other than as security is-
involved. I have added this because from our conversation I would assume
that you seriously question the qualifications of Mr. Duran for employment, as
distinguished from security consideration. That phase of Mr. Duran's employ-
ment is not within the scope of the Security Committee.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1545
After reviewing the entire record on Mr. Duran as procured from all available
sources, the Security Committee recommended favorably on Mr. Duran. I bave
carefully gone over the record before the Security Committee and I have approved
their recommendation.
While I recognize thai the above conclusions are at variance with your own
feelings, I have to do my duty as I see it and I hope that you will recognize that
I have attempted to exercise my judgment faithfully and honestly.
With best wishes, 1 am
Sincerely yours,
(S) Donald Russell.
When Mr. Russell wrote this letter on September 14, 1946, he had in his flies
the top secret report from the Military Attache in Madrid, which I have already
referred to. outlining in detail the facts I have given on Duran.
What was the mysterious power in the possession of Duran that enabled him
to continue to serve as a confidential assistant to Spruille Braden, the then head
of the State Department's South American affairs?
Why was this man permitted voluntarily to resign in the face of these grave
charges?
Mr. Duran obviously had powerful friends and one of his greatest champions
was his immediate chief. Spruille Braden.
I now show the Committee a copy of a letter marked "secret" and dated De-
cember 21. 1048. in Havana.
Habana, December 21, 1943.
Memorandum for the Military Attache
Mi-. Gustavo Duran was recommended to me in the first instance by a friend
of unimpeachable patriotism and integrity. He was recommended for a specific
objective requiring a person of highly specialized qualifications; his duties were
to be concerned with protecting United States interests through confidential
surveillance over Falangist activities in Cuba. *
As to Mr. Duran's background, he is a naturalized American citizen born and
educated in Spain. He is of good family, and in his youth was particularly
interested in the arts. When the Spanish Civil War began in July 1936, he
gave up everything to fight on the side of the Loyalists and from a somewhat
dilettante but brilliant young man, turned into a vital force for the Republican
cause. His military record was reportedly brilliant. He was further described
to me as being a man whose hatred for the Fascists, and his deep devotion to
liberal principles, are not open to debate. A close association with him during
a period of over a year fully support this description.
Mr. Duran arrived in Habana in November 1942 on the payroll of the Pan
American Union and was to transfer to the stall of the CIAA on February 1,
1043. Instead, I urgently recommended his employment as an Auxiliary Foreign
Service Office in a telegram from which I quote the following:
"I regard Duran as eminently qualified for the work he is performing and
I have the highest estimation for his intelligence and character as well as for
his complete loyalty and discretion. He has already proven of very great value
to this Embassy and I anticipate that his usefulness will increase as he becomes
more familiar with conditions in Cuba. I consider that his continuance here is
particularly desirable at the present time when our relations with Spain are
of such vital importance."
Mr. Duran has now served as one of my immediate associates for more than
a year. His work has been excellent and outstandingly useful to the United
States Government. From my personal knowledge based on close association,
Mr. Duran is not a Communist but a liberal of the highest type. I consider him
an unusually worthy, patriotic, and honorable American citizen, who shows great
promise as a United States Government official capable of high responsibility.
Spruille Braden.
Mr. Braden describes Mr. Duran as one recommended to him by a friend of
unimpeachable integrity.
He set forth in his letter that Duran was a naturalized citizen, born and
educated in Spain, of good family and in his youth was particularly "interested
in the arts." Braden said that from 1936 Duran gave up everything to fight
1546 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
on the side of the Spanish Loyalists and said he "urgently recommended his
employment as an Auxiliary Foreign Service officer."
Following Senator Wherry's letter to the State Department of August 1940,
in which the Senator maintained that this man was such a bad security risk
that he should be discharged, we find that he was permitted to resign on October
4, 1946.
In view of the grave charges made by Senator Wherry and the unusual attitude
of the State Department in permitting this man's resignation, it would be interest-
ing to know what, if any, investigation was made by State Department officials
as to his conduct while in a responsible, confidential capacity in the Department.
But Duran's friends in the State Department did not turn their backs on him.
After his resignation, Duran almost immediately was employed as a representa-
tive of the International Refugee Organization of the United Nations. He was
employed there as of yesterday.
I have received a confidential report that Duran was recommended for his
UN position by a member of the present Presidential Cabinet. It has also been
reported to me that Duran is the brother-in-law of Michael Straight, the owner
and publisher of a pro-Communist magazine called the New Republic.
Here again it is certainly pertinent to inquire where this man got his power,
what he did while in the State Department, and possibly, of equal importance, is
what he did not do.
To complete this picture, I attach hereto copies of the following documents :
(1) Report from Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the
Dominican Republic, addressed to the American Intelligence Service dated De-
cember 30, 1943.
(2) Excerpt from the book, Why and How I Left Defense Ministry in the
Intrigue of Russia in Spain, by Idalicio Prieto, former Minister of Defense for
the Spanish Republican cause.
(3) A list of reference material for the committee's use in further checking
into the background and activities of this man who is now with IRO, screening
refugees coming into the United States.
December 30, 1943.
Report From Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the
Dominican Republic, Addressed to the American Intelligence Service
I want to take this opportunity to clarify my position in connection with
Report No. 428, dated 13 December 1943, subject: Gustavo Duran. Alleged Com-
munist Employee of the CIAA, Havana. As you know, this office received a
cable from the Military Attache, Havana, requesting that dissemination of this
report to be held up on the grounds that it was "absolutely incorrect." A few
days ago we received letter No. 7907 from Lt. Col. Brown, written by Ambassador
Braden concerning this individual. Both these communications corroborated
information which we had regarding Duran and I cannot see on the basis of their
reports how our report can be branded as "absolutely incorrect." Our only state-
ment in the report on Duran is that he was a member of the Communist Party in
Spain. From further reports received, this information can now be evaluated
as A-l. For your own knowledge, the information on Duran was submitted
by a Spanish refugee who also served as a Lt. Colonel in the Spanish Republican
Army and had served on Duran's promotion board in Spain, which board was
charged with considering recommendations for promotion of Spanish Republican
Officers. As our source was actually sitting on the Board at the time that
Duran's recommendation for promotion came through, he himself saw all Duran's
papers and letters of recommendation, and had access to complete information
regarding Duran's background.
He states, dogmatically, that the records showed Duran to be a member of the
Spanish Communist Party. Our source had previously made available to us
the information agreeing with that sent to us by Military Attache, Havana,
i'\c ]it tlic statement that Duran entered the Army as a private. According to our
Agent. Duran was commissioned directly from civilian life and given the rank
of Major in the Militia. Later when the Militia became part of the Spanish
Republican Army, he was made a Major in the Army. The only additional in-
formation we had, and which we did not mention in the report as it was not
believed pertinent, was the reported fact that Duran is a homosexual. I do not
question Duran's interest in the arts, his culture, or intelligence. However, we
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1547
only stated in our report that Duran was a member of the Communist Party, and
that we did not know whether he is still a member of the Communist Party. I,
myself, am convinced that Duran was a Communist and consider Ambassador
Barden's statement that he is a "liberal of the highest type" to be a euphemism.
Under the circumstances, I believed the reliability of our report still remains as
originally submitted.
The Ambassador here is inclined to concur in my report on Duran, but has
asked that do further official correspondence on the subject be sent up. Hence
this personal letter from me.
Sincerely,
Edward J. Ruff,
1st Lt., A. O. D., Assistant Military AttacM.
Excebpt Pbom the Book, Why and How I Left Defense Ministry in the
Intrigue of Russia in Spain, by Indalicio Prieto, Former Minister of
Defense for the Spanish Republic Cause
"It is true that I have had certain incidents with the Russians. Certain Rus-
sian technicians proposed to me in Valencia, that a service of Military Investi-
gations should be created. This was the Spanish counterpart of the NKVD. I
confess that I opposed the project. But because of insistent pressure, I created
the SIM. I was especially concerned with choosing a chief, until I gave it to an
intimate friend of mine, who had just come from France, where he was with
his family. In entrusting him with the task, I gave him these instructions :
"You are going to form the SIM, carefully, with elements of all groups of the
Popular Front. Your only charges will be these two : Do not permit the new
organization to be converted into an instrument of the Communists and do not
permit Russian technicians to gain control. Listen to the advice of these tech-
nicians and follow their orientations, which can be very useful to you, but con-
trol must always be in your hands and in that of the Government, and of no
one else."
I showed little tact in the selection of that comrade. A Republican named
Sayagues came in fact to be the chief of SIM. Regional chiefs of the SIM were
designated and they proposed to me a certain Gustavo Duran for the Madrid
zone. It was not concealed from me that the person proposed was a Communist
(Duran). I knew this, but in spite of that, he was appointed by me. In the
decree creating the SOI of August 1937 — a decree which I myself drew up, be-
cause I did not wish to follow in a slavish manner the project which was handed
me — there is an article by virtue of which the appointment of all agents of the
SIM rests exclusive with the Minister of National Defense. This was a guaran-
tee which temporarily I wish to establish. No one could be an agent of the
SIM who was not in possession of the memorandum book which bore duplicate
the signature of the minister. Duran having been appointed chief of the de-
marcation of the army of the center, of his own accord and without power to
do so, appointed the agents who were under his orders, which to the number of
some hundreds, were Communists and only four or five were Socialists. I faced
an intolerable situation, wherefore alleging, and with reason, that I lacked com-
manders in the army. I ordered that all military chiefs who were not in par-
ticular positions in the army should return to their former positions and thus
Major Duran had to return to his military function. Because of Duran's leaving
the SIM I received a visit from a Russian technician, of these services, who said
to me:
"Russian Agent. I have come to speak to you about the dismissal of Duran.
What happened?
"Prieto. Nothing special, I lacked commanders in the army and ordered Duran
to return to it.
"Russian Agent. No. You discharged him because he appointed Communists
as agents in Madrid.
"Prieto. That is also sufficient reason, because Duran absolutely lacked author-
ity to make appointments.
"Russian Agent. Why did he not have the power to appoint agents?
"Prieto. Because by virtue of the decree creating the SIM that power is
reserved exclusively to the Minister."
I read the decree and before the evidence of my statement my visitor alleged :
"Russian Agent. Duran could make temporary appointments.
68970—50 — pt. 2 5
1548 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
"Prieto. Neither actual nor temporary. Here in Spain, moreover, the tem-
porary is converted into the definitive.
"Russian Agent. Be that as it may, I come to ask you to immediately restore
Major Duran as chief of the SIM in Madrid.
"Prieto. I am very sorry, but I cannot consent.
"Russian Agent. If you do not restore Duran, my relations with you are
broken.
"Prieto. I am sorry, but Major Duran will go to the front of his division and
will not return to the SIM. Your attitude is unjustified and I cannot yield to it."
I did not yield as a matter of fact, and my relations with the Russian technician,
through his own wish, were absolutely cut off. I have not seen him since that
scene.
Exhibit No. 33
Habana, December 21, 1943.
Memorandum for the Military Attache
Mr. Gustavo Duran was recommended to me in the first instance by a friend
of unimpeachable patriotism and integrity. He was recommended for a specific
objective requiring a person of highly specialized qualifications ; his duties were
to be concerned with protecting United States interests through confidential
surveillance over Falangist activities in Cuba.
As to Mr. Duran's background, be is a naturalized American citizen, born and
educated in Spain. He is of good family, and in his youth was particularly
interested in the arts. When the Spanish Civil War began in July 1936, he
gave up everything to fight on the side of the Loyalists, and from a somewhat
dilettante but brilliant young man, turned into a vital force for the Republican
cause. His military record was reportedly brilliant. He was further described
to me as being a man whose hatred for the Fascists, and his deep devotion to
liberal principles, are not open to debate. A close association with him during
a period of over a year fully supports this description.
Mr. Duran arrived in Habana in November 1942 on the payroll of the Pan
American Union and was to transfer to the stall of the C. I. A. A. on February
1, 1943. Instead, I urgently recommended his employment as an Auxiliary For-
eign Service Officer in a telegram from which I quote the following :
"I regard LHiran as eminently qualified for the work he is performing
and I have the highest estimation for his intelligence and character as well
as for his complete loyalty and discretion. He has already proven of very
great value to this Embassy and I anticipate that his usefulness will in-
crease as he becomes more familiar with conditions in Cuba. I consider that
his continuance here is particularly desirable at the present time when
our relations with Spain are of such vital importance."
Mr. Duran has now served as one of my immediate assistants for more than
a year. His work lias been excellent and outstandingly useful to the United
States Government. From my personal knowledge based on close association,
Mr. Duran is not a Communist but a liberal of the highest type. I consider
him an unusually worthy, patriotic and honorable American citizen, who shows
great promise as a United States Government official capable of high responsi
bility.
» Spruille Braden.
Exhibit No. 34
December 30, 1943.
Report From Edward J. Ruff, Assistant U. S. Military Attache in the
Dominican Republic, Addressed to the American Intelligence Service
I want to take this opportunity to clarify my position in connection with
Report No. 428, dated 13 December 1943, subject: Custavo Diran. Alleged Com-
munist Employee of the CIAA, Havana. As yon know, this officer received a
cable from the Military Attache, Havana, requesting that disseminations of this
report to bo hold up on the grounds that it was "absolutely incorrect." A few
days ago wo received letter No. TIMJT from Lt. Col. Brown, written by Ambassador
Braden concerning this individual. Both these communications corroborated
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1549
Information which we had regarding Duran and T cannot sec on the basis of their
reports bow our report can be branded as "absolutely incorrect." Our only state-
ment in the report on Dnran is that he was a member of the Communist Party in
Spain. From further reports received, this information can now be evaluated
as A-l. For your own knowledge, the information on Duran was submitted
by a Spanish refugee who also served as a Lt. Colonel in the Spanish Republican
Army and had served on Duran's promotion board in Spain, which hoard wras
Charged with considering recommendations for promotion of Spanish Repuhlican
Officers. As our source was actually sitting on the board at the time that
1 hiran's recommendation for promotion came through, he himself saw all Duran's
papers and letters of recommendation, and had access to complete information
regarding Duran's background.
He states, dogmatically, that the records showed Duran to he a member of the
Spanish Communist Party. Our source had previously made available to us
the information agreeing with that sent to us by Military Attache, Havana,
except the statement that Duran entered the Army as a private. According to our
Agent. Duran was commissioned directly from civilian life and given the rank
of Major in the Militia. Later when the Militia became part of the Spanish
Republican Army, he was made a Major in the Army. The only additional in-
formation we had. and which we did not mention in the report as it was not
believed pertinent, was the reported fact that Duran is a homesexual. I do not
question Duran"s interest in the arts, his culture, or intelligence. However, we
only stated in our report that Duran was a member of the Communist Party, and
that we did not know whether he is still a member of the Communist Party. I,
myself, am convinced that Duran was a Communist and consider Ambassador
Braden's statement that he is a "liberal of the highest type" to be a euphemism.
Under the circumstances, I believed the reliability of our report still remains as
originally submitted.
The Ambassador here is inclined to concur in my report on Duran, but has
asked that no further official correspondence on the subject be sent up. Hence
this personal letter from me.
Sincerely,
Edward J. Ruff,
1st Lt., A. O. D., Assistant Military Attache.
Exhibit 35
Senator McCarthy's Statement on John Stewart Service
This case is that of John Stewart Service,
This man is a foreign service officer of the Department of State and at the
moment is in Calcutta, India, where he is helping determine the all-important
policy of our Government toward India,
The name of John Stewart Service is not new to the men in the Government
who must pass on a governmental employee's fitness as a security risk.
When Mr. Peurifoy testified before the Senate Appropriations Committee, he
said that Service had been cleared four different times.
It is my understanding that the number has now risen to fiive and I earnestly
request that this committee ascertain immediately if Service was not considered
as a bad security risk by the Loyalty Appeal Board of the Civil Service Commis-
sion, in a post-audit decision, handed down on March 3 of this year.
I understand that this board returned the file of Mr. Service to the State
Department with the report that they did not feel that they could give him clear-
ance and requested that a new board be appointed for the consideration of this
case.
To indicate to the committee the importance of this man's position as a security
risk to the Government, I think it should be noted that he is one of the dozen
top policy makers in the entire Department of State on Far Eastern policy.
He is one of the small, potent group of "untouchables" who year after year
formulate and carry out the plans for the Department of State and its dealings
with foreign nations ; particularly, those in the Far East.
The Communist affiliations of Service are well known.
His background is crystal clear.
He was a friend and associate of Frederick Vanderbilt Field, the Communist
Chairman of the Editorial Board of the infamous Amerasia.
1550 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Half of the Editorial Board of this magazine were pro-Communist members
of the State Department and the committee is in possession of these names.
On June G, 1945, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, after an exceedingly
painstaking and careful investigation covering months, arrested Philip J. Jaffe,
Kate Louise Mitchell, editor and coeditor of Amerasia, Andrew Roth, a lieutenant
in the United States Naval Reserve stationed in Washington ; Emanuel Sigurd
Larsen and John Stewart Service, who were employees of the State Department
(this is the same John S. Service to whom I have just referred and who is pres-
ently representing the State Department in Calcutta, India) ; Mark Julius Gayn,
a magazine writer of New York City, who is about to leave for Russia. They
were arrested on charges of espionage in connection with the theft of the fol-
lowing Government records :
360 classified documents from the State Department, including some top
secret and confidential classification;
163 prepared by ONI.
42 prepared by MID.
58 prepared by OWL
9 from the files of the War Department.
Some of the important documents picked up by the FBI at the time of the
arrest were as follows :
First: One document market "secret" and obviously originating in the Navy
Department dealt with the schedule and targets for the bombing of Japan. This
particular document was known to be in the possession of Phillip Jaffe, one of
the defendants, during the early spring of 1945 and before the program had
been effected. That information in the hands of our enemies could have cost
us many precious American lives.
Second : Another document, also marked "top secret" and likewise originating
in the Navy Department, dealt with the disposition of the Japanese Fleet sub-
sequent to the major naval battle of October 1944, and gave the location and
class of each Japanese warship. What conceivable reason or excuse could there
be for these people, or anyone else without authority to have that information
in their possession and at the same time claim freedom of the press? That was
the excuse they offered. They stole this document for no good purpose.
Third : Another document stolen from the Office of Postal and Telegraph
Censorship, was a secret report on the Far East and so stamped as to leave
no doubt in anybody's mind that the mere possession of it by an unauthorized
person was a clear violation of the Espionage Act. This was not an antiquated
paper but of current and vital interest to our Government and the Nation's
welfare.
Fourth: Another document stolen was from the Office of Military Intelligence
and consisted of 22 pages containing information obtained from Japanese pris-
oners of war.
Fifth: Another stolen document, particularly illuminating and of present
great importance to our policy in China, was a lengthy detailed report showing
complete disposition of the units in the army of Chiang Kai-shek, where located,
how placed, under whose command, naming the units, division by division, and
showing their military strength.
Many of the stolen documents bear an imprint which reads as follows :
"This document contains information affecting the national defense of
the United States within the meaning of the Espionage Act, 50 United States
Code 31-32, as amended. Its transmission or the revelation of its contents
in any manner to,an unauthorized person is prohibited by law."
Despite the very small circulation of 1,700 copies of this magazine it had a
large photocopying department. According to Congressman Dondero, who spon-
sored the resolution for the investigation of the grand jury, this department
was working through the night, in the small hours of morning, and even on
Sundays. It could reproduce the stolen documents — and undoubtedly did — and
distribute them into channels to serve subversive purposes, even into clenched
'.ists raised to destroy our Government.
in June 1044 Amerasia commenced attacks upon Joseph C. Grew, who had
during bis stay in the State Department rather vigorously opposed the clique
which favored scuttling Chiang Kai-shek and allowing the Communist element
in China to take over.
Larsen, one of the codefendants in this case subsequently wrote a lengthy report
on this watter. I would like to quote briefly from parts of that report:
"Behind the now famous State Department Espionage Case, involving the
arrest of six persons of whom I was one. an arrest which shocked the Nation on
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1551
.Tunc 7. 101". is the storj of a highly organized campaign to switch American
policy in the Far East from its long tested course to the Soviet lino. It is a
story which has never hern told before in full. Many sensational though little
explained developments, such as the General Stilwell Affair, the resignation of
Under Secretary Joseph C. Grew and Ambassador Patrick Hurley and the
emergence of a pro-Soviel bine in the Far Eastern Division of the State Depart-
ment, are interlaced with the Case of the Six, as the episode became known. * * *
••It is the mysterious whitewash of the chief actors of the Espionage Case
which the Congress has directed the Hobbs committee to investigate. But from
behind that whitewash there emerges the pattern of a major operation performed
upon Uncle Sam without his being conscious of it. That operation vitally affects
our main ramparts in the Pacific. In consequence of this operation General
Marshall was sent on a foredoomed mission to China designed to promote Soviet
expansion on our Asiatic frontier. It was a mission which could not but come
to grief and which may yet bring untold sorrow to the American people.
"How did it happen that the United States began to turn in 1944 upon its
loyal ally, the Chiang Kai-shek Government, which had for 7 years fought Japan,
and to assume the sponsorship of the rebel Communist regime which collaborated
with the Japanese during the period of the Stalin-Hitler Pact? How did it come
to pass that Washington since 1S)44 has been seeking to foist Communist members
upon the sole recognized and legitimate government of China, a maneuver equiva-
lent to an attempt by a powerful China to introduce Earl Browder and William Z.
Foster into key positions in the United States Government? How did it trans-
spire that our top-ranking military leader, General Marshall, should have pro-
moted an agreement in China under which American officers would be training
and equipping rebel Chinese Communist units at the very time when they were
ambushing our marines and when Communists the world over were waging a war
of nerves upon the United States?
"Whose was the hand which forced the sensational resignation of Under
Secretary of State Joseph C. Grew and his replacement by Dean Acheson? And
was the same hand responsible for driving Ambassador Patrick Hurley into a
blind alley and retirement?"
In describing the arrest, Larson had this to say about his arrival at the office
of the United States Commissioner:
"There I found myself sitting next to John Stewart Service, a leading figure
in the pro-Soviet group in the China Section of the State Department, and to
Lieutenant Andrew Roth, liaison officer between the Office of Naval Intelligence
and the State Department, whom I also knew as an adherent of pro-Soviet policies.
Both of them were arrested separately the same night in Washington."
Larsen then goes on to describe John Stewart Service, John P. Davies, Jr., and
John Carter Vincent as the pro-Soviet group in the China Section whose views
were reflected by Amerasia and whose members were in close touch with Jaffe
and Roth. In connection with this, it will be remembered that John Service, as
Stilwell's political adviser, accompanied a highly secret military commission to
Yenan. Upon the return of this mission, you will recall that Stilwell demanded
that Chiang Kai-shek allow him to equip and arm some 300,000 Communists.
Chiang Kai-shek objected on the grounds that this was part of a Soviet plot
to build up the rebel forces to the extent that they would control China. Chiang
Kai-shek promptly requested the recall of Stilwell and President Roosevelt
relieved Stilwell of his command. It was at this time that Service submitted his
Report No. 40 to the State Department, which, according to Hurley, was a plan
for the removal of support from the Chiang-Kai-shek government with the end
result that the Communists would take over.
The espionage cases apparently had their origin when a British Intelligence
Unit called attention to material being published in Amerasia which was em-
barrassing its investigations.
Preliminary investigations conducted at that time by OSS disclosed classified
State Department material in the possession of Jaffe and Mitchell. The FBI
then took over and reported that in the course of its quest it was found that
John Stewart Service was In communication from China with Jaffe. The sub-
stance of some of Service's confidential messages to the State Department reached
the offices of Amerasia in New York before they arrived in Washington. One of
the papers found in Jaffe's possession was Document # 58, one of Service's
secret reports entitled : "Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek — Decline of his Prestige
and Criticism of and Opposition to his Leadership."
In the course of the FBI investigation Amerasia was revealed as the center of
a group of active enthusiastic Communists or fellow travelers. To give you a
1552 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
better picture of Amerasia, it perhaps should be mentioned here that Owen Latti-
more was formerly an editor of Amerasia, and Frederick Vanderbilt Field, a
writer for the Daily Worker, was the magazine head. Mr. Jaffe incidentally was
naturalized in 1923 and served as a contributing editor of the Defender, a
monthly magazine of International Labor Defense, a Communist organization,
in 1933. From 1934 to 1936 he had been a member of the editorial board of
China Today, which was a publication of the pro-Soviet American Friends of the
Chinese People. At that time he operated under the alias of J. W. Philips.
Tinder the name of J. W. Philips, he presided in 1935 over a banquet at which
Earl Browder was a speaker. He also lectured at the Jefferson School of Social
Science, an avowed Communist Party institution. He was also a member of the
Board of Directors of the National Council of American Soviet Friendship. The
New York Times, subsequent to his arrest, referred to him as an active supporter
of pro-Communist and pro-Soviet movements for a number of years.
According to an article in Plain Talk magazine Jaff'ee has been a liberal con-
tributor to pro-Soviet causes and that on one occasion he reserved two tables
at a hotel banqnest held to launch a pro-Communist China front in the name
of "The fifth floor, 35 East 12th Street," which happens to be the National
Headquarters of the Communist Party.
I realize that this history of Jaffe's activities is unnecessary for most of the
members of this investigating body, but I feel that the record should be complete
so that anyone who reads it will understand the background of the individual
to whom his four codefendants had been delivering secret State and War De-
partment material. His coeditor, Miss Mitchell, gave a party for John S. Service
when he returned from China. Service had previously attended a special press
conference held by the Institute of Pacific Relations, in which he supported the
position of the Chinese Communists.
Larsen had this to say about his codefendants :
"I knew Jaffe and his group as the editor of a magazine which had almost
semiofficial standing among the left wingers in the State Department."
The night Kate Mitchell was arrested, she had in her possesion according to
Congressman Dondero, a highly confidential document entitled : "Plan of Rattle
Operations for Soldiers," a paper of such importance that Army Officers were
subject to court martial if they lost their copies.
Congressman Frank Fellows, a meniher of the Committee on the Judiciary
which investigated the grand jury which failed to indict Service, wrote a
minority report in which he stated :
"The author of the resolution under which this committee assumed
jurisdiction stated upon the floor of the House, 'The President authorized
the arrest to be made and the arrests were forbidden by the State Depart-
ment'."
Under Secretary Joseph C. Grew very urgently insisted ttpon a prosecution of
the six individuals who were picked up by the FBI on charges of conspiracy to
commit espionage. He thereupon immediately became a target in a campaign of
vilification as the culprit in the case rather than the six who had been picked
up by the FBI.
Lieutenant Roth wrote a series of articles for a New York paper and published
a book in which he vigorously attacked Grew for his opposition to the Commu-
nist sympathizers in the State Department insofar as the far eastern policy was
concerned.
Under Secretary Grew, after a lifetime in the diplomatic service, resigned and
President Truman announced that Dean Acheson would take over the post of
Under Secretary of State. * * *
"During my conference with Mr. Jaffe in October" Larsen said, "he dropped
a remark which one could never forget, 'Well we've suffered a lot', he said, but
anyhow we got Grew out'."
In regard to the legal handling of this case, the following is found in Plain
Talk in an article by Larsen :
"While public attention was largely focused upon extraneous issues, the
Espionage Case itself was following a special course behind the scenes. It ap-
peared that Kate Mitchell had an influential uncle in Buffalo, a reputable at-
torney by the name of James M. Mitchell, former president of the New York
State Bar Association. Mr. Mitchell was a member of a very influential law
firm in Buffalo, Kenefick, Cooke, Mitchell, Bass & Letchworth. The New York
City correspondents of that law firm include the most redoubtable Col. Joseph
M. Hartfield, extremely well known and extremely influential in Government
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1553
circles in Washington. Colonel Hnrtfiold, who is regarded by sonic as one of
the most powerful political lawyers in the country, made at least four trips to
Washington where he called on top officials of the Department of Justice in the
matter.
In that connection I would like to quote again from Congressman Dondero's
talk on the House floor, in which he stated :
"I have heretofore charged and reiterate now that the court before whom these
cases were brought was not fully informed of the facts. A summary of the
court proceedings has been furnished to me, which shows no evidence or exhibit
obtained by the Federal Bureau of Investigation presented to the court. Jaffe's
counsel told the court that Jaffe had no intention of harming the Government,
and United States Attorney Hitchcock told the court there was no element of
disloyalty in connection with the case. If that is the fact, may I respectfully
ask what purpose did these individuals have in mind in stealing these particular
files?
Had this same thing happened in certain other governments, these people
would undoubtedly have been summarily shot, without a trial. Let us not forget
we were still at war with Germany and Japan when these files were stolen, and
Jaffe, in whose possession they were found, had been for more than 10 years a
leader and heavy financial supporter of Communist propaganda causes, accord-
ing to the FBI."
As I stated above, after the Grand Jury failed to indict Mitchell, Service, and
Roth, the House passed a resolution in which it directed the Committee on the
Judiciary :
"to make a thorough investigation of all the circumstances with respect to
the disposition of the charges of espionage and the possession of documents
stolen from secret Government files which were made by the Federal Bureau
of Investigation 'against Philip J. Jaffe, Kate L. Mitchell, John Stewart
Service, Emmanuel Sigurd Larsen, Andrew Roth, and Mark Gayn,' and to
report to the House (or to th? Clerk of the House, if the House is not in
session) as soon as practicable during the present Congress, the results of
its investigation, together with such recommendations as it deems necessary."
This committee then confirmed a report of a theft of a vast number of docu-
ments from the State, War, and Navy Departments, which ranged in classifica-
tion all the way from top secret to confidential. This committee report indicates
that a number of the members of the Grand Jury voted for the indictment of
Service and Mitchell on the espionage charges, but that the required number of
12 did not so vote.
It will be noted that the committee was not appointed for the purpose of
passing upon the guilt or innocence of the espionage suspects, but was appointed
for the purpose of investigating the way that the case was handled and to make
recommendations. The committee did not in any way question the theft of the
documents. However, it semed to place a great deal of stress upon the fact
that the documents might not be admissible in evidence because of the method of
obtaining them.
For example, on page five, the report states as follows :
"4. Many of the identifiable documents might have had their evidential
value destroyed by reason of the possibility of the court's sustaining the de-
fendants' motions attacking the warrants of arrest.
"VI. Judicial decisions require scrupulous care to see arat searches and
seizures are reasonable. While sparch and seizure on arrest may be made
without a search warrant, yet this is not so unless the warrant of arrest
issued after 'probable cause' of guilty had been established by legal evidence."
On page six, the following statement is made :
"If the warrant for arrest was not issued on 'probable cause' substanti-
ated by facts, the evidence disclosed as a result of the search and seizure
incident to the arrest based on such a warrant would be subject to suppres-
sion and, therefore, not usable as evidence of the crime for which arrest was
made."
While I have not seen any testimony of any of the Grand Jurors, and do not
know what it is available, this would seem to indicate that the committee felt
that the Grand Jury was disturbed, not so much by the question of guilt or
imiocence of the defendants, but by the question as to whether or not the guilt
or innocence could be proven they apparently feel that much of the material
1554 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
would not he admissible because of the method of search and seizure. The fol-
lowing comment will be noted on page seven of the committee report :
"Most of the items seized at Jaffe's office were typewritten copies. Some
of such copies were proved to have been typed in one of the Government
departments. It may be fairly inferred that the originals of such copies were
never removed but that copies were made at the department or agency where
the original reposed."
This makes it very clear that the committee felt making copies of secret docu-
ments and then delivering the copies to unauthorized persons placed the crime
in a different class from the delivery of the originals. It is rather difficult to
understand this reasoning in view of the fact that photostats or copies of an
important secret document would normally be of as much value to an enemy
power as the originals. The committee further pointed out that additional reason
for not finding the Grand Jury at fault is because any of the six can still be fur-
ther prosecuted on the charge of espionage. The Majority Report makes some
excellent recommendations, which the Secretary of State might well read. I
especially call his attention to recommendations one, two and three on page
nine, which read as follows :
"1. That the head of every department and agency of our Government see
to it that more — much more — care be exercised in personnel procurement.
That all those considered for Government positions in every echelon be in-
vestigated so thoroughly as to insure that no one be employed unless abso-
lute certainty has been attained that nothing in background, present attitude,
or affiliations raises any reasonable doubt of loyalty and patriotic devotion
to the United States of America.
'"2. That the watchword and motivating principle of Government employ-
ment must be : None but the best. For the fewer, the better, unless above
question. .
"3. That each and every present employee who fails to measure up to the
highest standard should be discharged. No house divided against itself
can stand."
One of the members of the six-man committee, Congressman Hancock, was
prevented by illness from participating in the report. Two of the members of
the committee wrote dissenting opinions, which meant that the decision to ab-
solves the Grand Jury of responsibility was made by a 3-2 decision.
Congressman Fellows in his dissenting opinion made the following statement:
"Jaffe either took these documents himself, or his confederates took them
for him. And two of the documents found were 'Top Secret' so marked and
so designated. I can see no point in arguing that these papers may not
have been of much value. The thieves thought they were. The Government
agencies so adjudged them. And the facts show that the defendants could
have had their choice of any documents they wishes; they were given no
protection so far as the State Department was concerned."
This transaction, or rather a series of transactions involved, embraces the
unlawful removal of "top secret," "secret," "confidential," and "restricted" files
from the Department of State, in our National Government. This is a very seri-
ous offense. In time of war, this is a most serious offense. When war is in
progress, or even in time of peace, it is of little or no concern whether the files
removed were "Originals" or "copies," the fact that "information" of either or
any classification was removed from the secret files in the Department of State
and was delivered to any individual, or group of individuals, who had no lawful
right to receive the' same, is the essence of the offense. When that very secret
information was thus unlawfully revealed to others, no matter how the same was
imparted to Mr. Jaffe. whether by an original, or by copy, or by any other method,
the real damage has been done.
There should not he any attempt made in the report to either minimize or
acquit anyone from the magnitude of the act or acts committed. The report
filed appears to be at least an attempt to either minimize or completely justify
some of the unlawful acts which were undoubtedly committed.
All those who participated in any way in the removal, or attempted removal, of
these documents from the Department of State — or who copied such reports and
thereafter delivered such copies to Mr. Jaffe, or to any other person, not law-
fully entitled to receive the same, should be prosecuted, and all those participat-
ing, in any degree in the unlawful acts under investigation, should he immediately
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1555
discharged from their positions in our Government. The report should speak
strongly and without any reservation upon that subject.
The questions here involved are so grave and the offenses so great, that no
effort should be made to protect or defend those who so offended, but the report
should be made both firm and strong -to speak the truth— but to place the blame
where the same rightfully belongs. .
This is but a small portion of the pertinent background of Service, but cer-
tainly, beyond doubt, it forever excludes this man as a security risk by whatever
yardstick it is measured.
igain we have a known associate and collaborator with ( ommumsts and pro-
Communists, a man high in the State Department consorting with admitted
espionage agents, and I wish to say to this committee what I said on the floor of
the Senate on February 20, 1M50. .
When Chiang Kai-shek was fighting our war. the State Department had in
China a voting man named John s. Service. His task, obviously, was not to
work for the communization of China. Strangely, however, he sent official re-
ports back to the State Department urging that we torpedo our ally Chiang
Kai-shek and stating, in effect, that communism was the best hope of China.
Later this man— John Service — was picked up by the Federal Bureau of
Investigation for turning over to the Communists secret State Department
information. Strangely, however, he was never prosecuted. However, Joseph
Grew, the Under Secretary of State, who insisted on his prosecution, was forced
to resign. Two days after Grew's successor. Dean Acheson, took over as Under
Secretary of State, this man — John Service— who had been picked up by the
FBI and who had previously urged that communism was the best hope of China,
was not only reinstated in the State Department but promoted. And finally, under
Acheson, placed in charge of all placements and promotions.
Mr. Chairman, today this man, John S. Service, is a ranking officer in the
policy-making group of "untouchables" on duty in Calcutta, India, one of the
most strategically important listening posts in the world today and since the
fall of China the most important new front of the cold war.
Five times this man has been investigated as to his loyalty and his acceptance
as a security risk to the Nation.
What possible reason could there have been for even a second investigation of
his record.
He was not an acceptable security risk under Mr. Acheson's "yardstick of
loyalty" the day he entered the Government.
He is not a sound security risk today.
Exhibit No. 49
Plot to "Wreck Labor Party Exposed
The plot to turn the American Labor Party into a "front" for the Communist
Party has been exposed by Charles Belous, who was secretary of the opposition.
On February 13, 1940, Belous resigned from this group which calls itself the
"Progressive Committee to Rebuild the A. L. P."
On April 2nd primary elections will be held throughout the State for party
positions in the American Labor Party. Members of the State Committee of the
Labor Party and delegates to the Presidential Convention will be elected.
For the first time since the organization of the Labor Party there is an organ-
ized movement which has named candidates in opposition to the candidates
which have the endorsement and support of the leadership and founders of the
American Labor Party.
Belous has exposed the vicious conspiracy of this opposition group. It is up
to the enrolled voters of the American Labor Party to do the rest. Join with
other members of the Labor Party and vote right on Primary Day — April 2nd.
READ THE STATEMENTS OF A MAN WHO KNOWS THE FACTS
[From the New York Post, Wednesday, February 14, 1940]
Belous Quits ALP Group Over 'Red Tie' — Says "Progressive Committee" Is
Tool of Communists
Former Councilman Charles Belous resigned today as secretary of the Pro-
gressive Committee to Reorganize the American Labor Party, and charged it was
1556 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
being used by tbe Communist Party in an effort to assure control of tbe ALP.
"It is clear that the Communists are conducting a knock-down and drag-out
fight to take over leadership of the ALP and make it a front organization," Belous
said at his home, 2S-29 Forty-first Av., Long Island City.
CALLED NEW DEAL FOES
The Progressive Committee, headed by Morris Watson and with Eugene P.
Connolly and Hyman Glickstein as moving spirits, is attempting to organize a
State-wide fight against the present ALP leadership in the April primary, when
a new State Committee will be elected.
Belous said it was the Watson group's opposition to President Roosevelt and
the New Deal which finally convinced him that its aims went far beyond a mere
change in ALP leadership.
"In the election of a successor to Congressman Sirovich," he said, "I was amazed
to find a group I was aligned with that was supposed to be supporting the New
Deal, openly fighting the election of Edelstein, the Democratic candidate."
Glickstein, attorney for the Watson committee, joined with Kenneth F. Simp-
son, GOP county leader, in a successful court action to void the nomination of
Edelstein by the ALP.
Belous said he had realized from the start that there were Communists in
the insurgent ALP movement, but that he had been "willing to work along with
them" for the common immediate objective of ousting the present ALP leadership.
FINDS KEAL AIM
Later events convinced him, he said, that the real aim of the Communists
went much further, being no less than to make the ALP the tail of the Commu-
nist Party kite.
He said that although he was secretary of the committee he .had not been
consulted in formation of many of its policies.
When the committee was first organized last December, he said, Prof. Herman
Gray of N. Y. U. and other recognized liberals were "supposed to be connected
with it, but they pulled away."
Belous, center of numerous political fights in Queens where he once headed
the City Fusion Party, said he was going to "take a rest from politics and try
to earn a living as an honest lawyer."
SEES MORE QUITTING
"Quite a few others in Queens who were in the same position that I was are
going to follow suit in resigning from the committee," he said. The ALP, it was
learned, probably will drop the charges of disloyalty on which it has been seek-
ing expulsion of Belous from the party.
In a formal statement announcing his resignation, as secretary of the Pro-
gressive Committee, the former Councilman said as a member of the group he
had found himself forced to condone and even justify Nazi atrocities and sup-
press "deep-felt sympathies for Poland and Finland."
Even more significantly, he said, he was expected to "join with the Garners
and Coughlins and Dieses and O'Connors to criticize" President Roosevelt and
for the defeat of New Deal candidates and policies.
[From the Daily News, Wednesday, February 14, 1940]
Belous Disavows Pko-Reds in A. L. P.
(By Lowell Limpus)
Denouncing "the complete sell-out and abandonment of one of the most sympa-
thetic Presidents that labor and the common man have had since Lincoln,"
former Councilman Charles Belous last night repudiated the faction which has
been opposing the American Labor Party's purge of Communists.
The former Queens legislator intimated that the Reds themselves are behind
the movement and declared that they are now blasting away at President
Roosevelt with all their political artillery.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1557
RESIGNED POST
Belous, who was just squeezed out of office by the last P. R. count, charged
that the Communists are not only demanding opposition to the New Deal in
return for their support hut that they also tried to make him justify Hitler
and the Nazis. As a result he resigned as secretary of the "Progressive Com-
mittee to Rebuild the American Labor Party."
In a public statement, Belous told how the rebel faction insisted that "I sup-
press my deep-felt symphathies for Finland and Poland" and revise his attitude
toward nazism. "Suddenly I must condone its atrocities, and even justify
them," he said. And the final straw came when he was told that he "must
now work for the defeat of New Deal candidates and policies."
Although ho didn't specify directly, there was no doubt about the group to
which the former councilman was pointing. "When I find my thoughts and acts
limited by strange logic and argument," he said, "one suspects something more
than a mere tolerant attitude toward all minorities, including Communists."
GIVING UP LIBERTIES
Belous announced he was withdrawing from Labor Party activities although
he would remain a member. Political observers generally believe that he lost
his Queens seat at the last election because he was reputed to be too close to the
Communists, although he specifically denied the charge during the campaign.
Originally a Fusion Party candidate, he switched to the American Labor Party
but was nosed out by Republican John Christensen.
issued by
Liberal and Labor Committee to Safeguard the American Labor Partt
fight the communist attempt to capture the labor party
State Headquarters : Hotel Claridge, 44th Street & Broadway, New York
Paul Blanshard, Chairman ; Frederick F. Umhey, Treasurer
VICE CHAIRMEN
Luigi Antonini Adolph Held Dorothy Kenyon
George S. Counts Louis Hollander Harry W. Laidler
Morris L. Ernst John Haynes Holmes A. Philip Randolph
Douglas P. Falconer Arthur Huggins Alex Rose
Grace Gosselin Alexander Kahn
Exhibit No. 50
October 10, 1939.
Mr. Alex Rose,
State Secretary, American Labor Party,
151 West Fortieth Street, Neiv York City.
My Dear Mr. Rose : I have just received your letter dated October 6th which
in tone suggests a pistol being put to my head. My impulse under such circum-
stances is to dare the damn fool to shoot. Particularly where as in this case
my views, and especially my loathing of all dictatorships, are so much a matter
of common knowledge that you certainly cannot claim to be in the dark about
them.
However, I realize that you are probably acting for what you consider com-
pelling reasons of party strategy and are at least trying to treat all candidates
alike. That being the case let me be magnanimous and answer your questions
as best I can. But remember, please, that I am running for Judge of the Municipal
Court, not for United States Senator, and so my opinions on international affairs
are not worth the paper they're written on.
However, here they arej
First, I regard with horror and loathing the Hitler-Stalin pact.
1558 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Second, I agree with you that any fusing of the brown and red dictatorships
is a treacherous blow to world civilization.
Third, I also agree, insofar as I understand them, with the President's pro-
posed changes in our present neutrality law. But frankly I have been far too
busy lately trying to be as good a Judge as possible to have given such legislation
the careful study it requires.
Fourth, it is not easy for me to be neutral when I think of either Hitler or
Stalin but I try not to lose my head and I continue to believe in the traditional
American civil liberties. Above all I hope that we may keep at peace and still
preserve American democracy.
Fifth, it goes without saying (or I should have thought it did) that I am not a
Communist or anything even remotely resembling one. I am just an old-fashioned
believer in democracy who gets awfully weary sometimes of all its ructions but
would never, never give it up.
Sixth, my original subscription to the Constitution and platform of the Ameri-
can Labor Party remains unchanged and requires no reaffirmation.
In conclusion may I remind you that I am running to succeed myself as Judge
of the Municipal Court on a platform of clean government and an independent
nonpartisan judiciary and that the American Labor Party has approved this plat-
form by its indorsement of my candidacy?
Very truly yours,
(Signed) Dorothy Kenton.
Exhibit No. 51
[From the New York Times, May 26, 1941. Advertisement]
An Open Letter to the President of tut-: United States
Mr. President:
We await your address on May 27 in the belief that you will tell what we must
do to insure the security of the United States by hastening the defeat of the
aggressors. 'We pledge to you our loyal support in the performance of this
historic task.
Some of us have been your political adherents, seme your opponents, but all
of us are united on this firm basis : we are Americans, you are our elected Presi-
dent. We acknowledge the eternal truth of that fine old American principle that
pplitical differences end at the water's edge. It is at the water's edge that our
people now stand, facing to eastward and westward the frightful reality of
world war and world revolution.
We have prayed that we might be spared from involvement in the war. But
we cannot close our eyes to the wholesale murder of liberty. Most of all we can-
not ignore the threats to our own security uttered and progressively enforced by
those tyrants who are dedicated to the proposition that democracy must die.
The dictators have extended their world war and world revolution from con-
tinent to continent — farther and farther out into the Atlantic Ocean — nearer and
nearer to the lifeline of the Western Hemisphere. With their propagandists
and saboteurs they have begun their invasion of this hemisphere.
The challenge is inescapable. We cannot meet it with mere words nor with
mere dollars. We know that strong action, even armed action, entailing greater
sacrifices will be required of us.
With firm determination to carry through at whatever cost the policies neces-
sary to defeat tyranny, we await the facts and leadership which the Commander-
in-Chief alone can give. We repeat to you, Mr. President, the final words of the
Declaration of Independence : "With a firm reliance on the protection of Divine
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1559
Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes and our
sacred honor."
Respectfully submitted.
Mrs. J. Borden Harriman, Washington, D. C. ; Lewis W. Douglas,
Phoenix, Ariz.; Henry A. Abbot, Lexington, Ky. ; Louis Adamic,
Milford, N. J. ; Allen D. Albert, Paris, 111. ; Paul Shipman Andrews,
Syracuse, N. Y. ; James R. Angell, New Haven, Conn. ; Luigi
Antonini, New York, N. Y. ; Frank Aydelotte, Princeton, N. J. ;
Carl E. Bailey, Little Rock, Ark. ; Margaret Culkin Banning,
Tryon, N. C. ; Stringfellow Barr, Annapolis, Md. ; David P. Bar-
rows, San Francisco, Calif. ; Kemp D. Battle, Rocky Mount, N. C. ;
James Phinney Baxter, Williamstown, Mass. ; Anita McCorrnick
Blaine, Chicago, 111. ; Henry Breckenridge, Chevy Chase, Md. ; Van
Wyck Brooks, Westport Conn. ; Thomas E. Burke, Washington,
D. C. ; Henry Seidel Canby, New York, N. Y. ; Oliver C. Carmichael,
Nashville, Tenn. ; Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, New Rochelle, N. Y. ;
Mary Ellen Chase, Northampton, Mass. ; Rufus E. Clement, At-
lanta, Ga. ; Pierce Cline, Shreveport, La. ; Robert C. Clothier, New
Brunswick, N. J. ; Ada L. Comstock, Cambridge, Mass. ; Karl T.
Compton, Boston, Mass. ; George Creel, San Francisco, Calif. ;
Virginius Dabny, Richmond, Va. ; Russell Davenport, Holyoke,
Mass., J. Lionberger Davis, St. Louis, Mo. ; Monroe E. Deutsch,
Berkeley, Calif. ; Mark Ethridge, Louisville, Ky. ; Silas Evans,
Ripon, Wis. ; Marshall Field, New York, N. Y. ; Harry M. Fisher,
Chicago, 111. ; Alvan T. Fuller, Boston, Mass. ; Harry David Gide-
onse, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Mary B. Gilson, Chicago, 111. ; Virginia C.
Gildersleeve, New York, N. Y. ; Frank P. Graham, Chapel Hill,
N. C. ; Helen Hayes, Nyack, N. Y. ; Arthur Garfield Hayes, New
York, N. Y. ; Henry W. Hobson, Cincinnati, Ohio ; Hamilton Holt,
Winter Park, Fla. ; Mirian Hopkins, Hollywood, Calif. ; Rupert
Hughes, Los Angeles, Calif. ; M. Ashby Jones, Atlanta, Ga. ; Doro-
thy Kenyon, New York, N. Y. ; William Draper Lewis, Philadel-
phia, Pa. ; Larry S. MacPhail, Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Maury Maverick,
San Antonio, Texas; Francis E. McMahon, South Bend, Ind. ;
Joseph C. Menendez, New Orleans, La. ; Robert A. Millikan, Pasa-
dena, Calif. ; Christopher Morley, Roslyn, N. Y. ; Mrs. Dwight
Morrow. Englewood, N. J. ; Paul Scott Mowrer, Chicago, 111. ;
Francis P. Murphy, Nashua, N. H. ; Mrs. Burton W. Musser, Salt
Lake City, Utah ; Joseph Padway, Milwaukee, Wis. ; Ferdinand
Pecora, New York, N. Y. ; William Lyon Phelps, New Haven,
Conn. ; H. H. Pike, Jr., New York, N. Y. ; Gifford Pinchot, Wash-
ington, D. C. ; Charles Poletti, Albany, N. Y. ; Mrs. Frances F. C.
Preston, Princeton, N. J. ; Henry F. Pringle, New York, N. Y. ;
A. Philip Randolph, New York, N. Y. ; Mrs. Kermit Roosevelt,
New York, N. Y. ; Chester H. Rowell, San Francisco, Calif. ; Cor-
nelius D. Scully, Pittsburgh, Pa.; Robert E. Speer, Lakeville,
Conn. ; Charles P. Taft, Cincinnati, Ohio ; Henry W. Toll, Denver,
Colo. ; William L. White, New York, N. Y. ; Stephen S. Wise, New
York, N. Y. ; and more than 3,000 others, representative of a cross
section of the nation's life.
You Can Share in this Expression of faith in the President's leadership. Tele-
graph him today that you do. Simply Say : Add my name to the list of those
WHO PLEGE yOU THEIR SUPPORT IN THE HARRIMAN-DOUGLAS LETTER.
COMMITTEE TO DEFEND AMERICA BY AIDING THE ALLIES
National Headquarters, 8 West 40th Street, New York City
1560 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 52
European Section, USSR Transmitters, Overseas & Far East Service
January 6, 1949.
RUSSIA HAS "FREEST WOMEN ON EARTH"
Moscow, Soviet Far Eastern Service, in English to India, January 5, 1949,
6 : 30 a. m. EST— L.
(Talk by Maria Sharikova, Assistant Chairman of the Moscow Soviet on the
Rights of Women)
(Summary with quotations)
The author began by saying that the U. S. representative in the U. N. Com-
mittee on the Rights of Women, Dorothy Kenyon, in endeavoring to conceal her
reactionary stand has engaged in slandering the Soviet people, in particular
Soviet women. In a radio broadcast over the Voice of America she talks a lot
of irresponsible drivel attempting to deny the political, economic, and social
equality enjoyed by the women of the USSR, at the same time painting a glowing
picture of the position of women in Britain and the United States, when she
knows full well what their position really is. "I am shocked at this shameful
downright lie, completely unsupported by the tiniest fact." As it happens, Doro-
thy Kenyon could not quote facts for that would at once disprove her assertions.
Sharikova goes on to claim that the respect in which Soviet woman are held
was attested by the welcome given to the USSR delegation at the International
Federation of Democratic Women. She outlines her own rise from the post of
a village schoolmistress before the Revolution to that she holds at present and
gives examples of other women in public positions. Is there any country in the
world, she asks, where women can develop politically and play such an impos-
ing role in the life of the State?
In the USSR whatever jobs women do they feel they are all the equal masters
of their country, contributing to the work of the organs of the Soviet State.
Dorothy Kenyon ignores such facts as these and tries to imply that women in
the USSR get only the heavy work, but in the USSR women at work are pro-
tected by labor laws, unlike in the United States "where women workers and
office clerks are completely dependent on the likes and dislikes of their em-
ployers." Women doing the same work as men get 30 to 40 percent less pay,
as is the case also in Britain.
Dorothy Kenyon keeps quiet about this, just as she keeps quiet about the dis-
graceful part played by the capitalists of the United States and Britain in ex-
ploiting female labor in the colonial and dependent countries. The commentator
describes the woes of the exploited women in the colonial countries of Asia and
Africa quoting from the speech of a United States progressive delegate to the
International Federation of Democratic Women to illustrate the conditions of
slavery in which they live.
After quoting more facts and figures illustrating the part played by women in
the U. S. S. R., Sharikova declares that instead of defending women in the UN,
Dorothy Kenyon had engaged in slandering the "freest women on earth, the
women of the U. S. S. R." However, as any of the thousands of visitors to the
U. S. S. R. can witness, "the slander indulged in by Dorothy Kenyon can hood-
wink no one."
ECONOMY OF SOVIET ZONE FLOURISHING
Moscow, Soviet Overseas Service, in English to North America, December 30,
1948, 9 : 00 p. m., EST— L.
(Commentary by Khalamov : "The Economic Situation in the Soviet Zone of
Germany
[Text]
"We know from reecnt history that fascist Germany was a kingdom of finan-
cial and industrial monopolies, and Prussian Junkerdom the bosses that consti-
tuted the backbone of predatory German imperialism. It was financial bigwigs
and such commanders of Ruhr-Wesphalian industry as Krupp and Thyssen who
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1561
summoned Hitler to power. Their aggressive idea of creating a peace-abiding
and democratic Germany is unreal and illusory.
"Yet German monopolies and Junker landed property rights have been done
away with only in the Soviet Zone. This problem has been successfully solved
in the Soviet Zone with due consideration for insuring a stable peace and uni-
versal security and with the active participation of broad democratic sections
of the population.
SUCCESS OF SOVIET LAND REFORM
"Only 4 months after the collapse of the Nazi regime, at the demand of the
German people, primarily the working peasantry, a democratic land reform was
successfully carried out in the Soviet Zone. This did away with Junkerdom,
that bulwark of German imperialism and aggression * * *
Exhibit No. 53
[From the New York Times, February 16, 1946]
Urge Bomb-Making Vacation — Columbia Peofessors Ask Declaration to Aid
UNO Commission
To the Editor of the New Yobk Times :
In view of the establishment of the UNO Commission on the Atomic Bomb,
we would like to suggest a declaration of policy of the following nature by the
President of the United States, in order that the discussions of the UNO Com-
mission may proceed in an atmosphere of full good faith and of confidence
in their successful outcome for international peace :
1. The United States will at once stop the production of bombs from ma-
terial currently produced. This includes the preparation of sub-assemblies and
all other procedures involved in the fabrication of bombs.
2. For one year, which would seem to be a reasonable time for the com-
mission to mature its plans and to secure action on them by the Governments
concerned, we will stop accumulating purified plutonium and uranium-235,
which are the essential ingredients of atomic bombs. The plants which produce
these materials will be kept merely in a stand-by condition. For this purpose
they will run at the minimum rate compatible with maintaining them in good
order, but they will not accumulate the resulting purified and fissionable prod-
ucts. As produced, these will be eliminated by appropriate means, such as dump-
ing them into the ocean or returning them to their original mixture.
3. We are prepared to have the disposition of our present stockpile of bombs
considered as one of the items in an agreement to be entered into by us and the
other Governments.
L. C. Dunn. Irwin Edman, A. P. Evans, Selig Hecht, P. C. Jessup,
R. M. Maclver, Edgar Miller, F. C. Mills, George B. Pegram,
I. I. Rabi, Jan Schilt, C. S. Shoup.
New York, Feb. 13, 1946.
The signers of the foregoing letter are, respectively, professors of zoology,
philosophy, history, biophysics, public law, sociology, biochemistry, economics,
graduate faculties (dean), physics, astronomy and economics.
Exhibit No. 54
Ambassador at Large,
Department of State,
Washington, March 24, 1950.
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : In connection with my testimony on March 20, 1950,
before your Committee, I was asked by Senator Hickenlooper as to the precise
date of a Round Table discussion which was attended by Mr. Owen Latti-
more and in which I saw Mr. Lattimore. I stated in my testimony that I
1562 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
believed that this meeting was in December. Upon consulting the files of the
Department, I find that the meeting was on October 6, 7, and 8, 1949.
I am enclosing a list of all the persons who attended this meeting.
Sincerely yours,
Philip C. Jesstjp.
(Enclosure.)
List of Consultants
Joseph W. Ballentine, The Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C.
Bernard Brodie, Department of International Relations, Yale University, New
Haven, Connecticut.
Claude A. Buss, Director of Studies, Army War College, Washington, D. C.
Kenneth Colegrove, Department of Political Science, Northwestern University,
Evanston, Illinois.
Arthur G. Coons, President, Occidental College, Los Angeles, California.
John W. Decker, International Missionary Council, New York, New York.
John K. Fairbank, Committee on International and Regional Studies, Harvard
University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
William R. Herod, President, International General Electric Company, New York,
New York.
Arthur N. Holcombe, Department of Government, Harvard University, Cam-
bridge, Massachusetts.
Benjamin H. Kizer, Graves, Kizer and Graves, Spokane, Wash.
Owen Lattimore, Director, Walter Hines Page School of International Relations,
Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland.
Ernest B. MacNaughton, Chairman of the Board, First National Bank, Port-
land, Oregon.
George C. Marshall, President, American Red Cross, Washington, D. C.
J. Morden Murphy, Assistant Vice President, Bankers Trust Company, New
York, New York.
Nathaniel Peffer, Department of Public Law and Government, Columbia Uni-
versity, New York, New York.
Harold S. Quigley, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota,
Minneapolis, Minnesota.
Edwin O. Reischauer, Department of Far Eastern Languages, Harvard Univer-
sity, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
William S. Robertson, President, American and Foreign Power Company, New
York, New York.
John D. Rockefeller III, President, Rockefeller Brothers' Fund. New York, New
York.
Lawrence K. Rosinger, American Institute of Pacific Relations, New York, New
York.
Eugene Staley, Executive Director, World Affairs Council of Northern California,
San Francisco, California.
Harold Stassen, President, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsyl-
vania.
Phillips Talbot, University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois.
George E. Taylor, University of Washington, Seattle, Washington.
Harold M. Vinacke, Department of Political Science, University of Cincinnati,
Ohio.
Exhibit No. 55
List of Publications — Esther Caukin Bkunaueb
Guidance materials for study groups in international relations of the American
Association of University Women, including syllabi and bibliographies on
American foreign policy, European politics. Far Eastern affairs, Germany,
Great Britain, Italy. Central and Eastern Europe ami the United Nations;
also the International Problem-of-the-Month Series (193:1-1943), and the Front
Page (1943-44) brief guides to the study of contemporary international affairs.
The Peace Proposals of Germany and Austria-Hungary, 1914-1918. Ph. D. dis-
sertation, inni. Bound manuscripl on deposil in the Hoover Library and the
Stanford University Library; abstract published by the Stanford University
Press in 1927.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1563
Definitions of the Monroe Doctrine, published by the American Association of
University Women .about 1929.
An outline of War, written at the request of the National Committee on the
Cause and Cure of War, about 1935.
The Peace Proposals of December 1916-January 1917, Journal of Modern History,
Vol. IV. No. 4. December 1932.
National Defense: Institution*. Concepts, Policies, published by the Women's
Press of the Young Women's Christian Association, IS'37.
Statements before the Committee en Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives,
Seventy-sixth Congress, First Session on Present Neutrality Law (Public Res.
No. 27) : published by Hie V. S. Governmenl Printing Office. 1939.
Building //"' New World Order, published by the American Association of Univer-
sity Women in the International Relations Pamphlet Series, December 1939.
(This was used as the textbook for the League of Nations Association High
School Examination contest in 1940.)
Hit* America Forgotten? Myths and Facts about World Wars I and II, with an
introduction by James T. Shotwell. Published by the American Count-il on
Public Affairs, Washington, 1941. (pamphlet)
Facing the Nazi Menace, Vital Issues, June 1941.
Power Politics and Democracy. The Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science. July 1941.
The Development of International Attitudes, in collaboration with Daniel Pres-
ents in International Understanding TJvrough Public School Curriculum, Part
II of the Thirty-sixth Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of
Education.
The United States in the Transition to the New World Order, a monograph for
the Second Report of the Commission to Study the Organisation of Peace, April
1941'.
Further Thoughts on Germany, World Affairs (published by the American Peace
Society). September 1942.
The Tinted Nations, Junior Red Cross Journal, September 1942.
Religion and the Free World, Junior Red Cross Journal, December 1942.
Frontiers of the Future, Junior Red Cross Journal, March 1943.
The Stake of the United States in International Organization, a chapter in a
textbook, Citizens of a New World, published by the National Council of the
Social Studies, 1944.
UNESCO to Date, United States National Commission for UNESCO, Report on
the First Meeting, September 19't6; Department of State Publication 2726,
1947.
Exhibit No. 56
Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science,
Manhattan, March 22, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Ttdings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Ttdings : I have known Dr. Esther C. Brunauer since October
1946, and I am certain that she is loyal to the Constitution, laws and ideals of
the L'nited States.
My knowledge of Mrs. Brunauer is based on an official relationship that has
prevailed periodically since November 1946, when I attended the General Confer-
ence of UNESCO in Paris as a delegate, and Mrs. Brunauer attended as a mem-
ber of the staff of the State Department. This same relationship existed at
suhsequent General Conferences of UNESCO. Of course between the interna-
tional meetings, my work as chairman of the United States National Commission
brought me in touch with Dr. Brunauer and her work in Washington, D. C.
I would say that the present ideological warfare in the world is Dr. Brunauer's
chief concern, and in this she is constantly working to uphold United States
policy, as well as the democratic philosophy generally, and to defeat the devious
and clever tactics of the Russians and their satellites. At the Mexico City
conference in 1947, for example, she spent a full month in counteracting the
efforts of the Russian-dominated Polish delegation to pin the tag of "war-
monger" on the Western democracies, and especially on the United States. She
worked with devotion, precision, and effect. She was completely sincere in all
she did.
68970 — 50 — pt. 2 6
1564 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
I could cite many similar examples which have proved to me that it is erro-
neous and un-American to refer to Dr. Brunauer as a Communist sympathizer.
Sincerely yours,
Milton S. Eisenhower.
Washington, D. C, March 24, 1950.
Re Esther and Stephen Brunauer.
Hon. Millard E. Tydings,
Chairman, Special Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I was considerably startled to read that Mr.
and Mrs. Brunauer had been accused of Communist leanings and disloyalty
before your subcommittee.
As you may perhaps recall, I helped as a member of the Senate Appropriations
Committee in the Eightieth Congress to initiate investigations which I believe
assisted the State Department in eliminating employees who had demonstrated
Communist leanings or were shown to be poor security risks. I am as anxious as
anyone to rid our Government of any employees whose loyalty is doubtful. How-
ever, erroneous accusations, even though made in good faith, hurt that objective
more than they help it.
I am convinced the accusations against the Brunauers are completely erro-
neous.
I first met the Brunauers in 1943, and Mrs. Ball and I have known both of
them intimately since 1945. We live only a few blocks apart here in Washington
and have spent many evenings together. Our conversations inevitably have
dealt at length with politics, with international problems and issues and with
the so-called cold war.
In all of our many hours of conversation, neither Esther nor Stephen has ever
revealed the slightest indication of Communist attitudes. On the contrary, both
of them are most strongly opposed to the ideology and practices of communism.
As you know, Stephen Brunauer was born in Hungary and spent his youth there.
Many of his boyhood friends have been victims of Communist dictatorship. He
is perhaps the most violently anti-Communist person I know.
I have no hesitation in vouching for the complete loyalty of Stephen and
Esther Brunauer to the United States and to our way of life.
With best regards,
Yours sincerely,
Joseph H. Ball.
American Association of University Professors,
Washington 6, D. C.
Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : It is my well-considered opinion that Esther Caukin
Brunauer and her husband, Dr. Stephen Brunauer are loyal Americans and
definitely are not poor security risks.
Mrs. Brunauer took her graduate work at Stanford University under my
direction and I have kept in close touch with her ever since. I have the highest
regard for her character, intellectual integrity, and devotion to all ideals for
which America stands. Her brilliant work as a research student in the Hoover
Library is a matter of record. For years she occupied an important part in the
American Association of University Women and has I know been considered for
a number of academic positions.
As examples may I cite first her efforts to place Hungarian diplomats in
this country who refused to accept Communist Hungary and resigned from the
diplomatic service. Second, the excellent talk which she gave on UNESCO at
the annual meeting of this association in Boston. Third, a long conversation
which I had with her in August 1947 when she was visiting Los Angeles.
The allegations made against Mrs. Brunauer I regard as baseless, appalling,
and not to be left unanswered.
Very sincerely yours,
Ralph II. Lurz
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1565
New York, N. T., March 23, 1950.
Dear Senator Typings: I am suffering from such a sense of outrage because
of Senator McCarthy's attacks on Esther Brunauer's loyalty that I am almost
speechless — 1 can only recite certain facts. I have known Mrs. Brunauer since
1942 when she was interim chairman of the National Committee on the Cause
and Cure of War, a group organized by the great woman suffrage leader Carrie
Chapman Catt. a generation ago. Mrs. Brunauer and I worked together for
the Women's Action Committee for Victory and Lasting Peace when we supported
the United Nations. I have known Mrs. Brunauer always as an able statesman
and as an objective, farsighted hate-free thinker and it goes without say — as a
most loyal and useful citizen of the United States. If an inflamed mind with
the power to injure her and limit or destroy her usefulness can see in her calm
and philosophical approach to great problems anything evil or subversive, our
democracy is indeed in a bad way.
Yours sincerely,
(S) Vera B. Whitehome
(Mrs. Norman deR. Whitehome).
Noank, Conn., March 25, 1950.
The Honorable Miixard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : I am the Dean of Pembroke College in Brown Uni-
versity on leave of absence for this year and retiring in June 1950. From 1937-
1941 I was National President of the American Association of University Women,
and during those years I worked somewhat closely with Mrs. Esther Caukin
Brunauer who was the Associate in International Relations for the National
AAUW.
I am happy to testify to my strong convictions that Mrs. Brunauer is a loyal
and devoted citizen. She is also extremely able. Her programs for the use
of International Relations study groups in the AAUW were outstandingly good
and in every case were permeated by a rare understanding of the problems of the
United States in those difficult years. In that field alone Mrs. Brunauer did
much to rally the loyal support of the large membership of the Association for
the critical problems our country was facing at that time.
Mrs. Brunauer was also a representative of the American Association of
University Women at its international Conferences, several of which I also at-
tended, and her friendly spirit and great ability did much to make those Con-
ferences successful. I believe firmly that international understanding comes in
large measure from personal relationships among groups of different nations,
so her work in that field seemed to me of unusual value. The U. S. S. R. never
had representation at any of those Conferences.
I have not followed Mrs. Brunauer's career closely in recent years, but I am
fully convinced from my own personal knowledge that she is not only a woman
of unquestionable reliability and loyalty to her country, but that she must be a
great asset to any department which has had the good fortune to enlist her
services.
Sincerely yours,
Margaret S. Morriss.
Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950.
Senator Millard Tydings,
Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : I first met Mrs. Esther Brunauer through a mutual
friend in Baltimore, either in 1934 or 193."), and have known her and her husband
on a social basis since that time. Never have I had occasion to have any but
the highest regard for both Dr. and Mrs. Brunauer's qualities of character and
intellect. As a psychiatrist, and thus specifically accustomed to evaluating per-
sonalities. I would be very much astonished if either of them (I know Mrs.
Brunauer better than I do her husband), had anything except entire loyalty
for the principles of American democracy.
Trusting that the charges which have recently been made concerning Dr. and
Mrs. Brunauer will be proven conclusively to be wholly without foundation.
Respectfully yours,
^ ' Katherine K. Rice, M. D.
1566 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Vassar College,
Poughkeepsie, N. Y., March 25, 1950.
The Honorable Mt.lard E. Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I feel compelled to write a vigorous protest to the
statements attributed to Senator McCarthy about Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer.
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since the late twenties when she accepted a position
with the American Association of University Women. As a member of the
International Relations Committee of the American Association of University
Women, serving under the chairmanship of the late President Mary Woolley
of Mount Holyoke College, I was closely associated with Mrs. Bruuauer. Sub-
sequently, I have followed her work with the greatest respect and interest.
Never have I heard her express any sentiment which by any stretch of the
imagination could be regarded as disloyal to her Government or as sympathetic
to the ideology of communism. Quite the contrary is true. Mrs. Brunauer has
repeatedly spoken to groups of American college women, and every time I have
heard her I have been impressed with her devotion to the American ideal.
Mrs. Brunauer's position with the American Association of University Women
was that of Staff Associate for the Committee on International Relations. She
was not in the consumer field, nor was she Executive Secretary of the Association
as reported by the press.
I have a profound confidence in Mrs. Brunauer's integrity and in her loyalty.
She is a citizen of whom America can be proud.
I also have great regard for your leadership, and it is my hope that you and
the members of your committee will refute the unjust and unwarranted charges
made against this citizen of our country.
Yours very truly,
Sarah Gibson Blanding.
Rochester, N. Y., March 24, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator: In connection with the charges leveled by Senator Mc-
Carthy against Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, I should like to offer my testimony
on her behalf.
I came to this country in 1937 and was naturalized in 1943 ; since 1937 I have
been employed as a research chemist by the Eastman Kodak Co. My entry into
the United States was made possible by an affidavit given by Dr. Esther Caukin
Brunauer and her husband, Dr. Stephen Brunauer. Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer
was at that time an Associate for International Relations in the American
Association for University Women, and she generously offered her affidavit
to me as to a former recipient of an International Fellowship from that
Association.
During the first few months of my stay in the United States I spent most of
the time in Washington and became closely acquainted with Dr. Esther Brunauer,
a privilege which I highly esteem, for I found her a rare person with the highest
code of personal conduct. Through her, I became aware of the ideas which are
the foundation of this country ; her interpretation made me understand and love
it. After I left Washington we could only meet occasionally, but as friends we
felt the need to discuss vital issues even on these occasions. I vividly recall Dr.
Brunauer's passionate devotion to this country, her high hopes when the United
Nations were founded, and later her distress over the obstructionist policy of
the Soviet Union.
In the light of my personal experience, it seems more than absurd that Dr.
Brunauer should hav ebeen made the target of such charges as were made by
Senator McCarthy — indeed, quite unforgiveable.
Respectfully yours,
Gertrude Kornfeld.
Washington, D. C, March 24, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate.
Dear Senator Tydings.: Shortly after Senator McCarthy had named Dr.
Esther Brunauer as a poor security risk I wrote Dr. Brunauer and said that if I
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 15G7
could be of any help in this matter for her to let me know. Dr. Brunauer has
told me that a letter addressed to you could be of some help and that is why
I am writing.
The reason I offered to be of help to Dr. Brunauer is that I have known her
for some time and do not feel that the charge against her is justified. I first
met her early in February 1946 when I started work for the Department of State.
I saw quite a lot of her for the next two and a half years since her assignment
was connected with UNESCO and the work that I did was connected with
UNESCO also. For a few months we were in the same division in the Depart-
ment of State; alter that she transferred to the newly established UNESCO
relations staff whereas I remained in the Office of International Affairs. My
meetings with Dr. Brunauer, dealing as they did with UNESCO, covered a wide
range of subjects. It was quite obvious to me that Dr. Brunauer's views were
entirely orthodox. It is easy enough in conversations such as we had to spot a
person who is a "pink" and I am convinced that Dr. Brunauer was neither pink
nor any other reddish color.
I never saw Dr. I'.runauer associate with persons of eytreme leftish or com-
munistic sympathies and I would doubt very much that she had any such
associations.
It is true that a person can be a Communist and even his best friends will not
know it. However, this is something that happens very, very seldom. Ordi-
narily, a Communist can be spotted quite easily by his views on certain key
suhjects, by his mannerisms and by his actions.
I can say without any doubt whatsoever that there was nothing that Dr.
Brunauer did or said during the time that I have known her professionally
and socially that gives me the least reason to doubt her loyalty and I conclude
that she is loyal and should be allowed to continue in her very useful Govern-
ment career undisturbed by further accusations which appear to be groundless.
Sincerely yours,
James P. Hendrick.
Arlington, Va., March 2Jf, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, I). C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : May I take this opportunity to assure you of my
absolute faith in the loyalty and patriotism of Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer.
I had the privilege of working directly under Dr. Brunauer at the American
Association of University Women from September 1, 1929, until January 1, 1941.
For about 10 years of that time I was her private secretary. During that time
I was, of course, very closely associated with her. I cannot imagine anyone less
deserving of the accusations made by Senator McCarthy.
One of my duties as Dr. Brunauer's secretary was the stenciling for duplica-
tion or preparing for the printer of all material which she wrote during that
time. I feel sure that if you will check this material, which will be on file at the
American Association of University Women, you will agree with me that it clearly
indicates that the writer did not believe in communism nor in any of its ramifica-
tions.
Throughout my association with Dr. Brunauer it was quite evident that she
was working wholeheartedly and tirelessly for the promotion of an international
policy which would benefit the United States. There again an examination of
her writings at the AAUW would bear out my belief. A check of the interna-
tional items of the legislative program of that organization, which she supported
by -written material and speeches, would shed further light on her loyalty to the
best interests of her country.
I would like also to say that I considered Dr. Brunauer a personal friend of
mine and have only the highest regard for her loyalty, her integrity, her honesty—
in fact for her character as a whole.
I would be more than happy to give you any further information you might
wish about my associations with Dr. Brunauer.
Yours very sincerely,
Helen Alley
(Mrs. W. G. Alley).
1568 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950.
Hon. Millard E. Ttdings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I understand that the Senate Foreign Relations
Investigating Subcommittee is giving Dr. Esther Brunauer (and her husband
Dr. Stephen Brunauer) an opportunity to appear before it in reply to the charges
made by Senator McCarthy.
I am sure that you and the members of your committee can be relied upon
to give fair and thoughtful consideration to the material which will be pre-
sented to you at that time. It is a very serious responsibility which has been
placed upon your committee. It is essential that persons with responsibility
in the Government have complete loyalty to our Government, but it is equally
important that the Government should not lose the services of able and loyal
citizens.
I have known Dr. Esther Brunauer personally since 1946 and have known of
her work as the associate in international relations of the American Association
of University Women prior to that time. Since 1946 we have worked together
within the Washington Branch of the AAUW and I have had frequent occasion
for contact with her. She is a thoughtful, well-balanced and mature woman.
From our talks I know that she has a deep faith in the democratic process. I am
convinced that she has no sympathy whatsoever with totalitarianism, either
of the right or the left. Furthermore, she is sufficiently astute that it would be
quite impossible for her to be used by persons with such sympathies.
I have not known Dr. Brunauer's work directly, since my own position as
Director of the Statistics Branch in the Public Housing Administration does not
bring me into contact with the Department of State. However, since the AAUW
is an organization seriously concerned with education in its broadest sense,
our contacts have not been of a frivolous nature, but. have been concerned with
the development of the program and policies of that organization.
I trust that your committee will take prompt action to clear Dr. Brunauer's
name so that she can continue to serve in the Department of State.
In addition, I would like to call your attention to the incorrect statements
made about Dr. Brunauer's activities in the AAUW. Laying aside any debate
as to whether activity on consumer problems should be considered indicative of
sympathy with communism, I would like to point out that Dr. Brunauer had no
part in developing organization activity in that area, but was concerned solely
with international questions.
I have made no reference to Dr. Stephen Brunauer only because I am not
personally acquainted with him.
Respectfully yours,
Ruth Lois Lyons.
University of Denver,
Social Science Foundation,
Denver, Colo., March 24, 195&r
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : I was both shocked and angered by Senator McCarthy's
attack upon Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer. I have known Mrs. Brunauer since
the time when she completed her Doctor's degree at Stanford University and
became the international relations specialist for the American Association of
University Women. While she was serving in that capacity I met her several
times, read her publications, and heard her speak before groups of university
women. The impression inevitably formed was of a woman devoted to America,
with a scholarly mind, extraordinarily well informed about world affairs, and
meticulous in documenting wbat she said and wrote. In other words, here was
a woman of the finest moral and intellectual integrity.
In more recent years, I have had the opportunity to observe at first hand
Dr. Brunauer's activities in the Department of State. I was appointed by the
National Commission for UNESCO as Chairman of its Committee on Secretariat
in the Department of State, and in this capacity was required to analyze Dr.
Brunauer's activities as a member of the UNESCO Relations Staff. The im-
pressions formed in earlier years, set forth above, were reinforced by my study
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1569
of her services in the Department of State. I found her to be extremely conscien-
tious, a tireless worker, and utterly loyal to our Government.
I am convinced that Senator McCarthy lias done a grave injury to Mrs.
Brunauer, and I hope that he or your committee will take appropriate steps to
clear her name before the American public.
Sincerely,
Ben M. Cherrington.
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace,
New York, N. 7., March 23, 1950.
Hon. Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Str : I have recently read in the newspapers the accusations made by
Senator McCarthy concerning- Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer of the Department
of State. These accusations seem to me irresponsible and unjust. As a loyal
citizen of the United States I am venturing to write you this letter in defense
of a person whom I feel is unjustly accused.
I have known Mrs. Brunauer for quite a number of years and was familiar
with her work for the American Association of University Women before she
joined the staff of the Department of State. During 1946 I was closely associated
with her when she was the United States member of the Preparatory Commission
for UNESCO and I was a Deputy Secretary-General on the staff of the Prepara-
tory Commission. During that period I was working in London and Paris. Mrs.
Brunauer was frequently there sitting with the Preparatory Commission. I had
many close conferences with her concerning the policy of the United States
respecting the development of UNESCO. In her work at the Preparatory Com-
mission and in all my conversations with her, I know that she was a staunch
defender of the American system. In the negotiations of the Preparatory Com-
mission she consistently opposed the plans of Communist sympathizers. She as
much as any other single person is responsible for the development of UNESCO
along lines consistent with American policies.
Since 1947 I have been a member of the National Commission for UNESCO
and its Executive Committee. In that capacity I have seen Mrs. Brunauer at
work in the Department of State and have cooperated with her on various
matters concerning cultural relations between nations. I can testify that at
no time has there ever been the slightest evidence of disloyalty on her part.
On the contrary, she has been alert and able at defending and advancing the
democratic causes to which the United States and the western world are
committed.
The attack on her is unjust and can only have the effect of weakening American
prestige abroad and reducing the morale of the American civil service. I hope
very much that an opportunity may be given Mrs. Brunauer for complete clear-
ance of her good name.
Sincerely yours,
Howard E. Wilson.
Public Administration Clearing House,
Washington, D. C., March 23, 1950.
To Whom It May Concern:
I have known Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer since October 1945. I met her then
in connection with the United States Delegation to the London Conference early
in November 1945, to draft the charter of the United Nations Educational,
Scientific and Cultural Organization. I was one of the advisers to the Delega-
tion, and she was an expert for the Department of State. I saw a great deal of
her in London and worked with her there on the official work of the Delegation.
I have seen her sim-e on two or three occasions in connection with meetings
of the United States Commission for UNESCO, of which I was formerly a member,
and on one occasion I visited her home.
I have every reason to consider Mrs. Brunauer a very faithful, conscientious,
and able member of the State Department's permanent staff. She was highly
regarded by our Commission to London and by everyone I have ever spoken
to about her. No question of her loyalty or reliability has ever been raised in
my presence, nor have I ever had any reason to doubt them. I have always
1570 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
considered her to be a fine example of the American career woman in the
Department of State, and a person in whose loyalty and integrity complete
confidence can be placed.
Sincerely yours,
Herbert Emmerich.
Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : As a Maryland voter and constituent of yours, let me
first salute you for the excellent job you are doing as chairman of the Senate
Foreign Relations Investigating Subcommittee. The whole Nation has confi-
dence in your integrity and fairness.
The purpose of this letter is to tell you and the other members of the subcom-
mittee of my shock and utter incredulity over Senator McCarthy's charges that
my friend, Esther Caukin Brunauer, was of questionable loyalty and a poor
security risk. I have known her personally for many years — since the middle
thirties at least. My husband, Raymond Clapper, who, as you will remember,
was killed in World War II during the Marshall IslancMnvasion, was also a great
admirer of her clear, brilliant intellect. If he were alive today I am sure he
would join me in vouching for Esther Brunauer's loyalty to the United States and
her hatred of all subversive activities. It is simply preposterous for anyone who
has known her to believe any such irresponsible nonsense as Senator McCarthy
is suggesting.
Esther Brunauer was associated with the AAUW for seventeen years, 1927 to
1944 in their Department of international education. Neither the organization
nor the subject of international education could possibly be considered question-
able. Since 1944, Esther Brunauer has been in the Department of State as
Assistant Director for Policy Liaison UNESCO Relations Staff. (Incidentally,
jost let me point out that Senator McCarthy's staff work must be inaccurate and
sloppy. He referred to Mrs. Brunauer's work as concerned with internal
security. )
In one of my regular weekly radio broadcasts over Station WCFM (March 16)
I said :
"It is nauseating to listen to Senator McCarthy insinuating names such as
those of Esther Brunauer, John Carter Vincent and John Davies into the
Senate hearings. I can speak from personal knowledge of these three in
particular. They happen to be almost lifetime friends of mine, about whose
patriotism I would vouch any day. These attacks smack too much of the kind
of thing Hitler as well as Stalin did so well. They create suspicion, hysteria
and chaos— just what the Commies want."
I know of no franker way to voice my confidence in Esther Brunauer than I did
in that broadcast.
Cordially,
Olive Clapper,
(Mrs. Raymond Clapper).
The University ok Chicago,
' Department of Philosophy,
Chicago, III, March 23, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United states Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir: I have learned with surprise that Senator McCarthy has testified
concerning Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer before your subcommittee alleging
that she is a person of questionable loyalty and a poor security risk. Since I
have known Mrs. Brunauer for a number of years and have worked in close
relations with her under circumstances which would give me grounds to judge
the loyalty of her attitude, actions, and statements, I think it my duty to write
to you concerning my judgment of Mrs. Brunauer's loyalty to the United States.
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 1945. I was adviser to the United States
Delegation to the General Conference of UNESCO in Paris in 194<i. in Mexico
City in 1!)47. and in Beirut in 1!)48. and was acting counsellor on UNESCO affairs
attached to the Embassy in Paris in 1947. I had repeated opportunities to see
Mrs. Brunauer at work. I have served on committees with her, I have been
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1571
present with her at sessions of the General ('(inference of UNESCO and its
subcommittees, and I have conferred with her and corresponded with her on
particular items of the UNESCO program and the United States policy with
respect t<> that program. The members of a delegation learn a meat deal about
each other, particularly when the meetings extend to four or five weeks; and
five years of acquaiuteiice. a good part of them in close association of work
and interest in an international agency like UNESCO, would afford numerous
opportunities to learn about Mrs. Brunauer's basic attitudes and loyalty. In
all the period of my acquaintance with Mrs. Brunauer I have never seen or
heard her do or say anything disloyal to the United States. She has been an
assiduous and an intelligent worker for the interests of the United States in
the conferences in which I have seen her participate, and far from being a matter
of question, her insight into and her adherence to the principles of the American
way of life have seemed to he conspicuous in her work in the Department of State.
Yours sincerely,
Richard P. McKeon.
Cottey College,
Nevada, Mo., March 23, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
The United states Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I have known Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer over
a period of almost twenty years and have been well acquainted with both her
thought and the expression of that thought in her career as a leader in education
and in public office.
Dr. Brunauer's loyalty to all which is constructive and fine in American life
and in the American tradition is not to be questioned, and I am shocked that
such an implication as Senator McCarthy made about her in his statement to
the Subcommittee on Monday, March 13, should ever have been voiced. I am
convinced that it is altogether without basis. The integrity and the loyalty of
Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer are supported by her long record of conscientious,
conservative, and intelligent service.
I should like to add that I am deeply troubled also by the irreparable harm
which is done to persons in public careers by such unwarranted expressions as
that of Senator McCarthy.
Very sincerely yours,
Blanche H. Dow, President.
Arlington, Va., March 21, 1950:
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings: I have learned of the charges made about March
13, 1950. that Dr. Stephen Brunauer and his wife, Dr. Esther Brunauer, are be-
lieved to be Communists or to have Communist affiliations.
I wish to take this opportunity to say that I have known Dr. and Mrs. Brunauer
for over ten years and have always regarded them as American citizens com-
pletely loyal to the United States. I have never had the slightest reason for be-
lieving that either of them have any Communist leanings or affiliations and on
the contrary have always understood that they are, as other loyal Americans,
entirely opposed to Communism.
I may add as bearing on my statement that I have been connected with the
Foreign Service and the State Department for thirty-three years and am at
present Assistant Chief of the Visa Division. I have an English and Scotch family
background going back to the Mayflower and early Colonial days and would not
hesitate to divulge any derogatory information which might come to my attention.
I am glad to say that I have complete confidence in the loyalty of Dr. Brunauer
and Mrs. Brunauer.
Sincerely yours,
Eliot B. Coulter.
American Council on Education,
Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950.
Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings: I have noted the statements in the newspapers ema-
nating from Senator McCarthy reflecting upon the loyalty of Mrs. Esther Caukin
1572 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Brunauer. I wish to take this occasion to inform you and other members of the
Committee that I have known Mrs. Brunauer over a period of approximately 15
years. This acquaintanceship covers the period when she was a member of
the staff of the American Association of University Women and the period of her
service in the Department of State beginning in March 1944.
In the course of my contacts with Mrs. Brunauer, I have had occasion to be
acquainted with the nature of her work at the American Association of Uni-
versity Women and more particularly since she has been in the employ of the
United States Department of State. As President of the American Council on
Education I have had many and frequent contacts with her particularly in con-
nection with the work of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization.
During all of this time I have admired the earnest self-sacrificing zeal with
winch she has pursued her work as a Federal employee. She has the respect and
confidence of her associates, who, so far as I know, have never in any way ques-
tioned her loyalty and devotion to the principles of our Government. I am mak-
ing this statement entirely without reservation.
Parenthetically, may I say that the character of the investigation which so far
has resulted from Senator McCarthy's charges seems to me to reflect very un-
wisely upon innocent people and especially to injure the effectiveness of our
diplomatic relationships in this exceedingly critical period of our history. It
seems to me that we have thoroughly normal channels, well established, for
testing the loyalty of government employees. I believe the present hearings have
performed no useful service and on the other hand have been injurious to the
character of innocent people and in our effectiveness in foreign relations.
Yours very sincerely,
George F. Zook, President.
The Chicago Council on Foreign Relations,
Chicago, III., March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator : As you are interested in obtaining all possible information
about those members of the Department of State who have been attacked as
"Communists" or as "poor security risks" by Senator McCarthy, I should like
to send you my unconditional endorsement of Esther Brunauer.
I worked with Mrs. Brunauer when she was Associate in International Educa-
tion of the American Association of University Women, and in the National
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War. At that time I was Chairman
of Foreign Policy for the National League of Women Voters and frequently
discussed international relations with her. Since the establishment of the U. S.
National Commission for UNESCO I have been associated with her at Com-
mission meetings, committee meetings and at the General Conference in Paris,
Mexico City and Beirut where I was a member of the U. S. Delegation.
I have never known a more devoted public servant than Mrs. Brunauer.
She is careful, conscientious and loyal.
I hope that your Committee will speedily prove to your own satisfaction
and that of the public that Mrs. Brunauer is a dependable and valuable mem-
ber of the Department of State.
Sincerely yours,
Louise Leonard Wright.
Stanford University,
Department of Political Science.
Stanford, Calif.. March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : May I bring to your attention a statement in
behalf of Esther Caukin Brunauer, who has been accused by Senator Mc-
Carthy as one of the officials of the Department of State whose loyalty is
questionable?
I have known Mrs. Brunauer for some twenty-five years. I first became ac-
quainted with her at Stanford University where she studied with me as a
graduate student. Her work was so outstanding that I recommended her highly
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1573
for a position as instructor at Scripps College. Before the decision was made
she \vas offered a position with the American Association of University Women
in Washington. D. C, which I felt would offer her greater possibilities so I urged
her to accept it.
I have kept in touch with her and her work ever since that time. While
working in the Department of State as head of the War History Unit, I had
occasion to consider her work and found that she was doing a very excellent
|ob. Later while I was writing a book on the history of the Department of
State — which has recently been published by Macmillan — I again studied her
work and that of the division to winch she was attached and found both most
satisfactory. Owing to the limitations of space and the cost of publication, I
was compelled to eliminate from the manuscript the brief but praiseworthy
evaluation which I gave of Mrs. Brunauer and her work.
I feel qualified to state categorically and unreservedly that I regard Esther
CauMn Brunauer as the highest type of public servant, one who can be de-
pended upon to serve her country to the best of her ability and with wholehearted
loyalty and devotion.
Sincerely yours,
Graham H. Stuart.
Washington, D. C, March 23, 1950.
Hon. Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir : For nine years Dr. Esther Brunauer has been known to me as the
intelligent and loving mother of two little girls.
During the nine years I have been in the Brunauer home at irregular hours
of the day and night and have never seen anything which would lead me to
suspect otherwise than a typical home life, composed of Mr. Brunauer, Mrs.
Brunauer, Sr., and the children.
I have been wondering how there could be much else than a typical home
life in the Brunauer house without my knowing it, as Mrs. Brunauer, Sr., and
the children are the type who tell all the family activities to the Doctor. I
usually have had a good account of Dr. Brunauer's activities. Also the children
show the result of much time spent upon them by the parents.
There has never been an accident or sudden illness during the nine years, when
I was not able to immediately locate Dr. Brunauer. Both Dr. Brunauer and
Mr. Brunauer seem to spend a lot of time with the family, and appear to
enjoy home life and their children.
Sincerely,
Margaret Mary Nicholson.
Dixie Cup Co.,
March 21, 1950.
Re: Esther Caukin Brunauer.
Hon. Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator : I have been associated with Esther Brunauer in various under-
takings for a decade or more. To me she has been the ideal among women
consecrated to the interests of their country.
I remember at the San Francisco Conference, where I served as a Consultant,
that she had her young children along, due to the fact that she had no one to
leave them with in Washington. Most women would have said it was impossible
to attend the Conference because of the children — but not Esther Brunauer.
She has worked with me in projects of the League of Nations, the United
Nations Association, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, etc., etc.
My observation of her from first to last leads me to conclude that we need
more — not fewer — women in American public life like Esther Brunauer.
Very truly yours,
Hugh Moore.
New York, N. Y., March 21, 1950.
Honorable Millard Tydixgs,
United States Senate, Washington, D. O.
Dear Senator : As a life-long Republican, I have been deeply shocked by Sen-
ator McCarthy's current accusations, particularly against Dorothy Kenyon and
Esther Brunauer, both of whom are well known to me personally.
1574 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Esther Brunauer I count as a friend of many years' standing. We served to-
gether for almost 20 years, beginning in 1927, on the Committee on. Selec-
tions for Oxford University of the American Association of University Women.
Dr. Brunauer was the very able and highly respected secretary of the committee,
upon whose sound judgment and careful, scholarly approach to questions the
other members constantly relied.
It is inconceivable that anyone with her fine intelligence, knowledge of his-
tory, mental and emotional poise should have Communist leanings or be the dupe
of Communist agitators.
Throughout the years I have known her, I have never heard Esther Brunauer
express any remotely questionable opinions.
If loyal, competent Government officials are to be branded as renegades, with-
out proper redress, no matter how unfounded the charges, we shall inevitably
lose the benefit of their services, and the country will suffer immeasurably.
Sincerely yours,
Margery B. Loengard.
The Washington Post,
Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950.
Hon. Millard E. Tydings,
Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : I am writing you in behalf of Dr. Esther C. Brunauer,
of the State Department, a valued friend of mine, who in my opinion has been
falsely and irresponsibly accused by Senator McCarthy of disloyaty to her
Government.
As an editorial-page columnist for the Washington Post, I have known Dr.
Brunauer personally and professionally for nearly 5 years. Before that I was
generally familiar with her activities as international relations secretary for
the American Association of University Women.
From the time that Dr. Brunauer was appointed a consultant for the London
meeting to draft a constitution for the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization, on through her successive service with UNESCO,
including her representation of this country with the rank of Minister at the
first general conference of UNESCO in Paris, November 1946. I have frequently
met with her to discuss the aims and purposes of her work. I have always found
her strongly devoted to the freedom of knowledge and free exchange of ideas
for which UNESCO stands. What is more, all her attitudes, utterances, conduct
have always expressed a devotion to the ideals on which the American Govern-
ment rests.
Dr. Brunauer's associates, insofar as I have known them, have been definitely
anti-Communist. Personally I consider her reliability and honor beyond ques-
tion. It is incredible and inconceivable that she should be accused of disloyalty.
Yours sincerely,
Malvina Lindsay.
American Automobile Association,
Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington 25, D. C.
Dear Sir : This letter is addressed to you and your associates in the Government
of the United States as an expression of greatest personal confidence in the
loyalty and integrity of Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer of thp Department of State.
I have personally known Dr. Brunauer for a period of 14 years. She is most
highly respected among university women, in both this country and others, as a
woman who, in her writings, public addresses, activities in organizations, and in
hoi' capacity as a national and international conference consultant, has stead-
fastly served to build up the best interests of democracy.
Dr. Brunauer's leadership activities have at no time been other than consistent
with the welfare of this country. It would be impossible for her, by the very
nature of her interests and of her character, to be other than a person of highest
reliability and good faith.
My closest association with Dr. Brunauer have been in the work of the American
Association of University Women, an educational organization which, in all its
activities, is soundly American. From 1936 to 1944, while Dr. Brunauer was
Associate in International Relations on the Headquarters Staff of the American
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1575
Association of University Women and while I was on the faculty in psychology
al the Pennsylvania State College, I served also as AAUW State president for
Pennsylvania. During thai period, I closely followed the work and Leadership
of Dr. Brunauer. Her loyalty to her country, then and now, is a matter of
established record and dependability.
The Government of the Tinted States is fortunate to have on the Staff of its
Department of State a woman of the caliber and integrity of Dr. Brunauer.
Very truly yours,
(Mrs.) Helen K. Knandel,
Educational Consultant, Traffic Engineering £ Safety Department.
Washington, D. C. March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tyihngs,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
.My Dear Senator Tydings : I want very much to express to you my deep
conviction as to the loyalty to our country of Esther Caukin Brunauer which
has been questioned by Senator McCarthy before your subcommittee.
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since 1925 when L was a freshman at Stanford
University in California. She was then a graduate assistant to my professor
of European history. Dr. Ralph Lutz. Dr. Lutz, as you may know, has been
for many years associated with former President Hoover in the work of the
Hoover War Library at Stanford. I know that Dr. Brunauer is held in the
highest esteem by the faculty under whom she worked at Stanford for her
doctorate.
My friendship with her continued when I came to live in Washington in 1930.
Since that time I have had regular contact with her, sometimes in various
organization activities : The American Association of University Women ; the
Committee on the Cause and Cure of War headed by Carrie Chapman Catt ; the
Committee on the Organization of Peace, headed by Dr. James T. Shotwell, and
sometimes in purely social gatherings.
I have always considered her contribution to popular discussion of public
affairs of the highest quality. She has been one of those professionally trained
women who has accepted the responsibility of citizenship — to help people gen-
erally become informed about public issues in order that they may act on
informed judgments. To me there is no greater contribution to the democratic
way of life.
I have also known her husband, Stephen Brunauer, since the time of their
marriage, primarily in a social capacity. I have had no grounds whatsoever to
question his loyalty to this, his adopted country. Contrariwise, I have always
respected his defense of free institutions and his service to the cause of free-
dom during the last war. I know, too, that members of his family have suffered
in Hungary at the hands of both Fascists and Communists.
If there is anything else that you think I might do to help clear the names
of Mr. and Mrs. Brunauer before your committee, I would be most happy to
be called upon.
Yours sincerely,
Anne Hartwell Johnstone.
P. S. — I should identify myself as a housewife and mother of two daughters.
I am currently a Director of the League of Women Voters of the United States.
I am married to William C. Johnstone, for 20 years associated with George
Washington University and now Director of the Office of Educational Exchange,
Department of State — A. H. J.
American Association of University Professors,
Washington, D. C, March U. 1950.
Honorable Millard E. Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. G.
Dear Senator Tydings : This letter is in reference to Esther Caukin Brunauer.
I have known Dr. Brunauer for the past twelve years. I have known her in
special reference to her work in the State Department. The American Associa-
tion of University Professors, of which I am the General Secretary, has always
been interested in the programs of the State Department concerned with higher
education and cultural affairs, and representatives of this Association frequently
1576 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION"
confer with members of the Professional Staff of the State Department in
reference to higher education and cultural affairs. I have participated in a
number of conferences with Dr. Brunauer and others of the State Department.
I regard Dr. Brunauer as an able scholarly woman and as a loyal American.
At the Thirty-third Annual Meeting of this Association, which was held in
Boston, Massachusetts, on February 22-23, 1947, Dr. Brunauer was a participant
on the program. She spoke on the general subject : "UNESCO : Its Background
and Its Role in Building for Peace." Also participating in this meeting and
speaking on this subject was Mr. Charles A. Thomson, Executive Secretary of
the United States National Commission for UNESCO. Both Dr. Brunauer and
Mr. Thomson contributed immeasurably to the success of the meeting and to
the consideration of the significant subject on which they spoke.
I have had occasion to work with Dr. Brunauer in other connections. When
members of the Staff of the Hungarian Embassy resigned from that Embassy
at the time the Soviets took over the Government of Hungary, Dr. Brunauer
sought the help of this Association in finding academic positions for some of
these persons and our joint efforts resulted in the placement of some of them.
This is but a small bit of evidence, but very good evidence, that Dr. Brunauer is
not only not a communist but is not in any way sympathetic with communist
regimes.
There has never been and there is not now any doubt in my mind concerning
Dr. Brunauer's complete loyalty to the Government of the United States.
Very sincerely yours,
Ralph E. Himstead.
Washington, D. C, March 22, 1950.
Hon. Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings: I recently read in the newspaper about my patient
Mrs. Esther C. Brunauer and I feel it is my duty to make some statements
about my experiences with her.
I am an Obstetrician and I delivered Mrs. Brunauer three times : on July 31,
1934, October 24, 193S, and on May 11, 1942. She first came to me on January
10, 1934, and at that time she was about 2Vs months pregnant. She came to
my office frequently for prenatal care. I delivered her the first time after a
2S-hour labor. I came in contact with her many, many times. Similarly with
the second and third pregnancies. I came in close contact with her on numerous
occasions.
As she is highly intelligent and quite an interesting person I discussed with
her various topics aside from our Doctor-patient relationship. I can honestly
and conscientiously say that she had never made any remark that would reflect
upon her loyalty to our form of government or Constitution of the United States.
In my estimation she always was a valuable asset to the community and our
country. If necessary, I am willing to state these facts under oath.
I never heard her make any remark favoring any subversive movement or
foreign "ism." In other words, in my estimation she is a good American citizen
as anyone I ever met. I saw her last in my office on September 11, 1947, and
at that time her conduct was no different than at any time before.
Respectfully yours,
H. Hertzberg, M. D.
Santa Monica, Calif., March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings: For the past twenty years, in various capacities in
relation to the American Association of University Women — as member of the
National Board of Directors, Regional Vice President. Director of the South
Pacific Section, etc. — I have been in active contact with Mrs. Esther Caukin
Brunauer. During that time I have had ample opportunity to observe the char-
acter of her work, the facets of her personality, and the nature of her relation-
ships witli various groups. These have been consistently straightforward and
unimpeachably constructive.
Furthermore, I have read with care and attention, as they appeared, a good
number of the pamphlets and brochures which Mrs. Brunauer brought out dur-
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1577
ing her distinguished service with the American Association of University
Women.
Although my home is on the West Coast, I have frequently been in Washing-
ton, particularly during the war, when I served on the seven-woman Advisory
Council sol up by the Navy Department. During that period I was in fairly
continuous touch with Mrs. Brunauer, as also during the San Francisco Confer-
ence, where I was a consultant to the American Delegation, representing the
American Association of University Women.
Throughout these two decades 1 have never heard, and I think, until Senator
McCarthy included Mrs. Brunauer in his sweeping challenge, no one of my ac-
quaintance had ever heard her integrity or her deep loyalty to her country
questioned.
Mr. Brunauer I have known for a much shorter period, but always with the
sense of his unfailing integrity. Mrs. Brunauer is a woman who, with her
husband, has quietly, unostentatiously kept her home, raised her family, and
served her country. Few have maintained a more honorable or a more truly
American record.
Sincerely yours,
(Mrs. M. W.) Gladys Murphy Graham.
Department of State,
Washington., March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Mit/lard Tydings,
United States Senate.
Dear Senator Tydings : I am writing to you because I should like to go on
record regarding the loyalty of Esther Caukin Brunauer. I am now serving on
the Policy Planning Staff and have been with the Department of State for seven
years. Prior to that time I was instructor in government and sociology at Smith
College, Northampton, Massachusetts.
I have known Mrs. Brunauer since I worked with her in the Department of
State in preparation for the Dumbarton Oaks Conference in 1944. I was closely
associated with her in these preparations and during the San Francisco Con-
ference on International Organization in 1945. Subsequently, I have worked
with her in connection with the development of American policy in the United
Nations Educational and Scientific Organization (UNESCO), and she and I
worked closely together on the Delegation to the Mexico Conference of UNESCO
in 1947. These associations resulted in my knowing Mrs. Brunauer intimately
and in having a very full insight into her thinking.
I want you to know that anyone who knows her as well as I do can have
no doubt whatsoever as to her complete integrity and loyalty as an American. In
all my experience with her I have never found her to depart in her thinking
from basic American principles of democracy, and her devoted and energetic
action on behalf of those principles in her government work testify to her com-
plete sincerity. She is a person of great character and deep convictions, and
those convictions are unqualifiedly dedicated to promoting our national interest.
I did not want to let this opportunity pass to add this word on behalf of one
of our most useful and most highly regarded government servants.
Sincerely yours,
Dorothy Fosdick.
The University of Georgia,
Department of History,
Athens, Ga., March 23, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings.
United States Senate. Washington, D. C.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I am addressing you in regard to Esther Caukin
Brunauer, whose loyalty and fitness for service in the State Department have
been questioned by Senator McCarthy.
The charges made against Miss Brunauer seem to me to be fantastic, utterly
without basis of evidence, from the knowledge I have of Miss Brunauer. She has
been known to me for many years, earlier in connection with her executive
position in the Association of University Women, and more recently in connection
with the United States Delegation to London, in 1945, to establish the United
Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization.
1578 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
In April 1944, I was appointed by Secretary of State Hull under the Roosevelt
Administration as a member of the Commission headed by Representative, now
Senator, Pullbright, to London for consultation with the Allied Ministers of Edu-
cation as to the uses of education as an instrument of peace after the war. Miss
Brunauer of the State Department prepared much of the material which gave
helpful information to the American Commission during our labors in London
during the month of April 1944.
In November 1945, under President Truman's Administration, I was again
appointed as a Delegate on the Commission of the United States to London to
the constituent assembly which set up the charter for UNESCO. On this Com-
mission Miss Brunauer served as an Expert Adviser from the State Department.
For the month of November 1945, I worked in daily consultation with Miss
Brunauer. During that period, in thrashing out all sorts of questions which our
delegates had to consider, never did I hear a word from Miss Brunauer, either
in official or unofficial dealings, which would reveal even the slightest Communist
or pro-Communist leanings. Nor have I ever hear in general rumor even the
faintest whisper to suggest that Miss Brunauer might be a Red, or even a Pink.
The strong impression I bad, and still have, of Miss Brunauer is one of steady
admiration for her clarity of thinking and for her expert, accurate knowledge of
American international affairs. I had and have complete faith in her high sense
of patriotism and complete loyalty to this country. I shall be glad if my word
of testimony can help to right the grievous wrong against Miss Brunauer in the
charges which appear to me false and entirely without evidence to support them.
Sincerely yours,
C. Mildred Thompson,
Emeritus Dean and Professor of History , Vassar,
At Present, Professor of History, University of Georgia.
Department of State,
Washington, March 22, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate.
My Dear Senator Tydings : Immediately upon learning that Esther Caukin
Brunauer's name had been mentioned in connection with the investigation of the
loyalty of State Department employees, I wish to convey to the committee in
some form, any information which I may have which would be of use, however
slight, in the attempt to arrive at a true picture of the situation.
I have known Dr. Brunauer for a period of approximately 15 years and during
much of that time I have worked with her on matters of broad public interest
particularly in the field of economics. I have known her and her husband socially
and have had many pleasant talks on matters of national concern. During these
years I have never had the slightest reason to question the complete loyalty and
patriotism of Dr. Brunauer. I feel I have a reasonably clear understanding of
her attitudes and political views and have reason to think that they are very close
to my own. While I am not in a position to judge what information would be
of use to your committee, I should like to make this general statement and if you
should desire it, would attempt to add more specific information if I had some
indication of what would be useful.
Very sincerely yours,
Eleanor Lansing Dulles.
Washington, D. C, March 21, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Tydings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Tydings : For many years Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer has been
intimately connected with the American Association of University Women. She
is at present an advisor on the Board of the Washington Branch of the American
Association of University Women.
There is no one whose sound advice and good judgment I value more than Dr.
Brunauer's. She is a person of excellent ability and of great integrity. She is
a great humanitarian and a loyal American.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1579
I sincerely hope that your committee will speedily correct the misinformation
used by Senator McCarthy.
Sincerely yours,
(Mrs. A. J.) Ruth S. Brumbaugh,
President, Washington Brunch, American Association of University Women.
Washington, D. C, March 21, WoO.
The Honorable Millard Ttdings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Dear Senator Typings: I am writing you about Dr. Esther Brunauer, who,
according to recent press releases, was among those whose loyalty to the
Government of the United States was questioned by Senator McCarthy.
It has been my privilege during the last three or four years to work fairly
closely with Dr. Brunauer on matters relating to UNESCO. At no time have I
known her to make a statement or to take a position that would lead one to
doubt her loyalty to our Government. When questions of policy have arisen that
required a definite position to be taken there was never any uncertainty that
siie stood solidly for the American form of government.
It is indeed to be regretted that any Member of the Congress should resort
to measures resembling those employed by the forms of government of which
we so heartily disapprove.
Respectfully yours,
A. J. Brumbaugh.
Arlington, Va., March 27, 1950.
The Honorable Millard Ttdings,
United States Senate, Washington, D. G.
Dear Mr. Senator : I should like to comment on the recent charges that Dr.
Esther Caukin Brunauer is a bad security risk.
I served as Dr. Brunauer's secretary for a period of two years from the time
of my appointment in the Department of State on January 24, 1947. I was not
acquainted with her prior to this assignment, and have not been officially
associated with her since January 1949, when I was transferred to another
Division within the Department. I assure you that this letter is purely volun-
tary on my part.
During the two years of my association with her I came to know her inti-
mately and to discover that she is a truly great woman and in equal measure
a great American. Patriotism, with Dr. Brunauer, is not something she tucks
away for special occasions as most of us do. It is the essence of her daily
thinking and motivates her daily life.
When, three years ago, Representative Bushey charged her with disloyalty
to her country I assisted in her prepaparation of a categorical denial of the
charges. I therefore am familiar with the exact charges and with the exact
rebuttals. It was my observation that the charges were completely disproved
by the facts presented. The denial was accepted by the Senate and published
in the Congressional Record in July 1947. It is, therefore, difficult to under-
stand how these disproved charges can now be used against her.
Dr. Brunauer prepared herself to take a responsible part in the international
affairs of her Government by many years of study both here and abroad. She
continues to take a scholarly approach to every aspect of her work of relating
the policy of United States representation in UNESCO to the total American
foreign policy.
The esteem and honor which is accorded her name were earned by twenty
years of constructive work in the interests of her country. I know how she
operates. She is modest. She seeks no personal acclaim. She is concerned
only with the ultimate goal of mutual understanding and peace among the na-
tions of the world. Were she a person of lesser stature, her idealistic approach
might seem naive, but her sincerity often leaves others abashed. As her secre-
tary I realize the depth of her sincerity and her content in making her con-
tribution. Many join me in the opinion that she is making a greater individual
contribution than any woman in America.
I was working daily with her at the time when the Hungarian Government
was taken over by the Communists. I was familiar, through her, with the
68970 — 50— pt. 2 7
1580 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
names and identities of the outstanding Hungarian figures in that event. I
was a witness to the strain Dr. Brunauer and her husband were under during
those critical days in Hungary. I was a witness to the grief they shared when
the coup was complete and many of their friends in Hungary, who had held out
to the end, succumbed to the pressure of communism. And I was a witness to
their sympathetic attitude towards those members of the Hungarian Embassy
staff in Washington who resigned their posts. It was abundantly clear which
side the Brunauers were on.
The recent charges against Dr. Brunauer can very easily be disproved. No
one who has ever been closely associated with her gives the smallest credence
to the charges. However, the general public has no basis on which to form an
opinion. It is hoped that the same spotlight can be turned on clearing her as
was turnd on accusing her — in simple justice — and in recompense for the unwar-
ranted injury done her.
Sincerely yours,
(Mrs.) Eire Stevens.
Washington, D. C, March 27, 1950.
The Honorable Millard E. Tydings,
Foreign Relations Committee, United States Senate.
My Dear Senator Tydings : I have known Dr. Esther Caukin Brunauer, and
her mother, and her father for thirty-three years. Both the charges which have
been made against her publicly before the Foreign Relations Committee of the
Senate, and the circumstances under which they have been made shock me deeply.
Because there exists in the Executive Branch of the Government an ade-
quate procedure for determining whether any employee is fit for and worthy
of employment by the Government in a particular position, it should be unneces-
sary for any individual to speak in behalf of another individual who is employed
by the Government. I have confidence in and respect for those procedures.
By the use of them, it has been determined that Dr. Esther Brunauer is worthy
of employment by the Federal Government in the position of responsibility and
trust which she now occupies.
Nevertheless, and in spite of the application of those procedures, and the
availability of other confidential procedures in the Government for ascertaining
facts, for making determination of who may be or may have become undesir-
able, it has been charged publicly, in the Senate of the United States that Dr.
Brunauer is not a proper person for such employment. This is a very serious
matter and, yet, mere unsubstantiated assertions have been made about her.
Resort has been made to anonymous allegations, malicious assertions, hearsay,
gossip, and innuendo. Inaccurate and untrue statements have been made
about her. The attack upon her is defamatory to her reputation and
good name. But because it has been made within the areas of privileged
communications to the Senate, and of the immunities of Members of the Senate,
Dr. Esther Brunauer is deprived of the protection of fundamental legal proce-
dures, of the right to defend her good name in court, and of obtaining remedies
for injury to her name and reputation.
The very procedures in the Executive Branch of the Government which exist
to protect both the Government and the individual, procedures involving the
safeguarding of privacy, the right to present evidence and to obtain hearings,
appeals and reviews, all of these are set to naught and nullified by the circum-
stances under which attacks have been made upon Dr. Esther Brunauer.
I deeply deplose those circumstances. But since they exist, it becomes neces-
sary for those who know Dr. Brunauer to state publicly the facts about her winch
they know, and their opinion of her. Therefore, I desire to make the following
statement :
Esther Caukin, now Mrs. Stephen Brunauer, is the daughter of Grace Black-
well Caukin and Ray Caukin, and was born in California. Her ancestors on both
sides fought in the American War for Independence. Her ancestors were of
English, Irish, French, and Dutch stock. On her mother's side, her ancestors
settled in Connecticut in 1630. Her great grandfather, Ed. Riley, settled in San
Francisco in 1858. He was Boston Irish.
Her father, Ray Caukin, served in the Army, in the Signal Corps, in World
War I. He is a member of the American Legion, a past commander. He was
a United States Post Master in Sierra Madre, California, and is now retired.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1581
Her mother, Grace Blackwell Caukin, was a leader in the Woman's Suffrage
movement in California; was Secretary of the California Woodrow Wilson
Campaign Committee : and was executive secretary, at one time, of the California
Democratic State Central Committee.
Both of her parents are living. They are splendid Americans, and solid
citizens.
I attended the San Francisco Girls High School with Esther Caukin Brunauer,
where we became close friends. We participated together in certain school
activities, and attended certain classes together. I know her character and her
attitudes very well, from long acquaintance. We have kept in touch with each
other from the time of our youth. From 1933 to the present, I have known Dr.
Brunauer closely in Washington, D. C.
From the time I first knew Esther Brunauer in 1917 until now, she has made
a record for which she deserves the highest commendation and respect; she had
the highest record in her class in high school ; she received scholarships in Mills
College, California, and at Stanford University. At Mills College she won the
Senior Class Prize for Scholarship, and there she founded The Honor Society
(the equivalent of Phi Beta Kappa), and was the vice president of the Associated
Students.
At Mills College she attracted the friendship of the President of the College,
the late Dr. Auralia Henry Bernhardt. At Stanford University she was a
protege of the late Dr. David Starr Jordan, Chancellor of Stanford. Later, she
hecame a friend of the late Carrie Chapman Catt. Throughout her life, she has
enjoyed the friendship and high regard of leaders in the field of education, and
in public life, and of good and reputable people.
A distinguished scholar of history and international relations — A. B., 1924,
Mills College; M. A.. 1925, and Ph. D., 1927. Stanford University — she became
a member of the staff in Washington, D. C, of the American Association of
University Women, in 1927, where she was director of its International Relations
Section, directing research and study programs for members of the Association,
and acting as its representative to the International Federation of University
Women. She held this post for seventeen years, until March 1944, when she
received an appointment in the State Department, Division of International
Security and Organization. She is still employed in the State Department. She
has. therefore, held only two jobs in twenty-three years, which is evidence of both
competence, trustworthiness, and faithfulness.
She married Stephen Brunauer in 1931. I have a high opinion of him. She
has had three children, two of which are living. She has been as competent
in her home as she has been in her professional work. She is a devoted wife
and mother. Her two daughters are well reared and well cared for, and all
that parents wish their children to be.
Esther Caukin Brunauer has certain traits of character which are predomi-
nant: She is loyal, sincere, honest, thorough, and possessed of good judgment.
She has devoted herself to her family and to her professional work all of her
life. She has concentrated upon her professional work to the exclusion of varied
and miscellaneous pursuits; and she has not been a joiner of organizations. Be-
cause her professional work took her into the study of international problems, in
which she acquired a high professional reputation, she was chosen to serve on
the National Committee of the Cause and Cure of War. That national com-
mittee was made up of representatives of about eleven national women's organi-
zations, and she was one of the representatives of the American Association of
University Women. She was chairman of a very important committee of the
Committee of the Cause and Cure of War, a committee appointed in 1936 to
make a study of our national defense. This committee reported its findings in
a printed pamphlet, and its findings created substantial public support of the
program of the Army for strengthening the United States military organization.
Dr. Esther Brunauer has belonged to very few organizations, most of them
professional ; and none of the few she joined have ever been pub on any list of
subversive or Communist "front" organizations.
People sometimes are judged by their associates. In my long acquaintance
and friendship with Esther Brunauer, I have observed that her associations,
contacts, and friendships have always been with persons who are respected and
honored.
What people think, say, and write is often an index of their points of view. I
can say unequivocally that Esther Brunauer thinks, talks and acts in accordance
with the highest concepts of a loyal, American citizen, and a Christian. She is
not and never has been a faddist, a soft-headed or a soft-hearted "sympathizer,"'
1582 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
a believer in any of the ideologies of advocates of un- or non-democratic political
or social systems. She is not a Communist 'sympathizer" or "fellow-traveler."
She is not and never has been a Communist, or a Fascist, or anything other than
a real American and democratic citizen.
I know of nothing in the record of Esther Brunauer which would provide a
basis for questioning her loyalty to her country, or her fitness for any position
of confidence and trust in any department of the Government, or anywhere else.
I have complete faith in her. I respect and admire her.
My opinion of Dr. Esther Brunauer is as follows : She is a loyal citizen of the
United States. She is a real American. She is an honorable woman, possessed
of the highest character and integrity in every respect — intellectually, morally,
and spiritually. She is possessed of keen intellect, sound judgment, strength of
character, and outstanding ability.
A great many women in the State of California, and throughout the United
States, are very proud of Esther Brunauer. Her story, her life, and her achieve-
ments have been what we consider the best of womanhood that can be produced
in our country. I resent deeply (and I know that I speak for many women) the
irresponsible charges and insinuations which have been lodged against her.
They are preposterous, scurrilous, and outrageous.
Esther Brunauer. an honorable and distinguished woman, a leader among
women, and a competent and loyal public servant, has been unjustly humiliated
before a committee of the United States Senate, and before the public. I am
•confident that the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate will find no merit
whatsoever in the allegations which have been made against here. And when that
conclusion becomes evident, I sincerely hope, Senator Tydings, that your Coni-
mitte will publicly absolve Esther Brunauer from the charges which have been
made, so that in that way, there may be restored to her, as far as possible, the
full confidence and eminent status which she enjoyed before this extremely un-
fortunate incident occurred, and so that she may be completely vindicated.
Respectfully yours,
Marion J. Harron.
(Judge) Marion J. Harron.
Exhibit No. 57
American Association of University Women
National Headquarters, 1634 Eye Street, N. W.
washington, d. c.
Statement Regarding the Work of Mrs. Esther Caukin Brunauer as a Mem-
ber of the Staff of the American Association of University Women, 1927-44,
Annexed to the Letter of March 22, 1950, Addressed to Senator Millard E.
Tydings, Chairman of the Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee Assigned to Investigate Charges of Disloyalty Among Employees
of the Department of State
(Prepared by the General Director of the American Association of University
Women)
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy is reported to have said that Mrs. Esther Caukin
Brunauer was for many years executive secretary of the American Association
of University Women ; and further, that she was instrumental in "committing this
organization to the support of various front enterprises, particularly in the so-
called consumer field." Both these statements will be shown to be untrue.
"THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION OF UNIVERSITY WOMEN
Organization and purpose. — The American Association of University Women
was organized in Boston in 18S2 for the purpose of uniting the alumnae of dif-
ferent colleges and universities for "practical educational work." It is an edu-
cational organization, composed of women graduates of approved institutions;
at the present time its membership numbers approximately 110,000 women,
graduates of 271 colleges and universities. The purpose and policies of the
Association are promoted through the joint efforts of its members, organized
into local branches in every state. At present there are 1,157 branches, rep re-
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1583
senting a cross section of women graduates of colleges and universities of the
highest standing. The policies of the Association arc voted hy delegates repre-
sent ins; the membership in the biennial convention of the Association, and are
carried out by appropriate committees.
A major activity of the Association in its various branches is an extensive
program of adult education. This program represents a sense of responsibility
on the part of the women college graduates who make up the Association to be
informed themselves, to cultivate intelligent public opinion on major issues, and
to take action on the basis of a study of the facts.
Professional staff.— For each of the Association's committees there is a profes-
sional staff member at the national Headquarters, who carries on research and
study and directs and counsels the membership in cooperating toward the
Association's objectives in the field which she represents. The staff associates
carry out the policies voted by the convention and developed by the national
committees and the national Board of Directors. Staff members do not make
policy.
In 1927 Mrs. Brunauer was appointed as a staff associate at national Head-
quarters for the Committee on International Relations, a position which she oc-
cupied continuously until March 7, 1944. During that time her work was confined
solely to international education and international relations.
AAUW CONSUMER ACTIVITIES
The statement of Senator McCarthy that Mrs. Brunauer was "instrumental
in committing this organization to the support of various front enterprises, par-
ticularly in the so-called consumer field," is completely at variance with the
facts. Mrs. Brunauer had nothing whatever to do with the Association's con-
sumer program. While the consumer activities of the Association are therefore
not involved in this investigation, since this program has been attacked by
Senator McCarthy, I wish to state emphatically that the consumer program of
the American Association of University Women could not by any stretch of the
imagination nor in any particular be considered a "communist front" activity.
Senator McCarthy has referred specifically to an instance reported in the
New York Times for April 27, 1943. We find no reference to the American
Association of University Women in the New York Times of that date ; we do
find an intern in the Times of April 26 to which Senator McCarthy probably
refers. This item states that a request, signed by 15 organizations, was pre-
sented to Price Administrator Prentiss M. Brown, urging that grade labeling of
canned fruits and vegetables be required as a feature of price control, in order
that price maintenance should not be defeated by a lowering of quality. In this
suggestion the Association was joined by the American Home Economics Asso-
ciation, the Young Women's Christian Association, the National Council of
Jewish Women, aud other reputable organizations. To imply that a request
for information to enable housewives to know what they are buying is a "front
enterprise" is manifestly absurd.
MRS. BRUNAUER'S RECORD
But as I have stated. Mrs. Brunauer had nothing to do with the above or any
other consumer activity of the Association. Her responsibility was to help in
carrying out the objectives of the Association's Committee on International
Relations, which were: (1) "to foster closer international relationships among
university women throughout the world," and (2) "to assist in building up an
informed, vigorous American foregin policy."
Mrs. Brunauer srave wholehearted cooperation and leadership in the carrying
out of both these vurposps — and both are completely alien to the communist
philosophy. As international relations associate, she devoted much time and
effort to the International Federation of University Women, an organization
which the university women of the U. S. S. R. never joined, although the way was
open.
To the second purpose, the "building of an informed, vigorous opinion on
American foreign policy," Mrs. Brunauer contributed continuously and effectively.
She prepared, or arranged to have prepared, materials to assist local groups in
studying international issues objectively — a purpose entirely at variance with
the propaganda tactics of communism. By her honest, objective, and scholarly
approach to controversial questions, she did much to develop the techniques and
standards which have given the Association a place of leadership in the adult
1584 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
education field. The Association benefited greatly by her knowledge, integrity,
good sense, intelligence, and logical thinking.
While Mrs. Brunauer's whole record as an AAUW staff member exemplified
the best traditions of American democracy, I wish to call the attention of
your Committee particularly to the part she played in the Association's inter-
national activities in the critical period of 1939-41. This was the period of the
Nazi-U. S. S. R. friendship pact, when communists in the United States were
violently isolationists and anti-British. At this time, the American Association
of University Women was following the opposite line. Some instances of the
Association's activities which were in direct contradiction to the policies advo-
cated by communists may be cited :
(1) In the summer of 1940, the Association appealed to its members for homes
for British children who might be sent to the United States for safety ; more
than 3,000 members offered their homes.
(2) In September 1940, the Association cabled £1,000 to the British Association
of University Women for war relief.
(3) In September 1940, the Association cabled $2,000 to the University Women
of Finland, a country then suffering from the effects of Russian aggression.
(4) On January 1, 1941, a letter which Dr. Brunauer helped to draft, which
was signed by the Headquarters staff, was sent to all AAUW branches and State
divisions, urging them to promote public discussion of aid to Britain, and asking
that branches and members individually communicate their opinions on this
issue to their Congressmen.
(5) As a preliminary to the 1941 convention, an inquiry was sent to all
branches asking their opinions as to the extent of aid this government should
give to those resisting the Axis powers, and encouraging study of the question.
(6) On May 8, 1941 (while the Stalin-Hitler pact was still in effect and com-
munists were demanding, "Keep us out of war!") the American Association of
University Women in its biennial convention voted:
(a) Recognition of a common cause with all nations resisting totalitarian
aggression and the furnishing of whatever aid we can give to make this
resistance effective.
(6) Development of a closer international collaboration to be begun now
among the people resisting the Axis powers, and expanded as rapidly as
possible into suitable international institutions.
(The Association was, as far as I know, the first of the large women's
organizations to advocate such a step, and the convention delegates voted in
full understanding that military aid might he involved.)
(7) Immediately after this convention action, Mrs. Brunauer quickly fur-
nished AAUW branch and state international relations chairman with study
materials on how to make U. S. aid effective, urged continuous study of the
crisis in American foreign policy, and transmitted the convention request that
members communicate their opinions to members of Congress.
In these activities — all in direct opposition to the "party line" of that time —
Mrs. Brunauer was not a passive or reluctant participant; she was a leading
spirit in promoting all of them. Indeed, some members criticized her for too
openly favoring aid to Britain before this country entered the war.
Senator McCarthy is reported to have accused Mrs. Brunauer of being "instru-
mental in committing this organization [the American Association of University
Women] to the support of various 'front' enterprises." As I have stated, Mrs.
Brunauer had nothing to do with the particular enterprise which Senator Mc-
Carty cited. But it is true that she was instrumental in carrying out other
enterprises, outlined above — enterprises undertaken for the preservation of
democracy and directly in opposition to the policies advocated by communists
and communist sympathizers.
Mabch 22, 1950.
Exhibit No. H8
Statement of Duties of Haldohe Hanson With Department or State 1942 to
Date
i. february 1 942-decembkr 1944: divisional assistant, division of cri/rural
cooperation
This was principally a recruiting job, arising out of the program of wartime
aid to China, and involving the recruiting of American civilian technicians for
service in China, including engineers, agricultural experts, and health specialists.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1585
ii. December 1944— September 1047: executive assistant to the assistant
secretary for public affairs
I served as Executive Assistant under two Assistant Secretaries, covering a
period of two and one-half years. I was responsible for their correspondence
and visitors, and the management of their office.
During this period, I had the special assignment of drafting the legislation
authorizing the United States Information and Educational Exchange Program.
I worked with congressional committees for three years on this legislation which
is now known as the Smith-Mundt Act (or Public Law 402, 80th Congress).
Incidental to this legislative work, I represented the Department of State in
hearings on Senator Mundt's resolution for an International Office of Education,
the bill authorizing United States participation in UNESCO, and Senator
Fulbright's legislation establishing scholarship funds from surplus property
proceeds.
III. SEPTEMBER 1947-NOVEMBER 1948: ACTING CHIEF, FAE EAST BRANCH, PUBLIC
AFFAIRS OVERSEAS PROGRAM STAFF
The Program Staff was an organization under the Assistant Secretary for
Public Affairs. The Far East Branch was responsible for recruiting the overseas
staff for five countries in the Far East, and for advising the Media Divisions
(such as the Divisions for Broadcasting, Press, Libraries) regarding public
attitudes of the various peoples in the Far East. During this period I made an
inspection trip to all of our information posts in the Far East.
IV. NOVEMBER 1948 TO DATE: EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR, INTERDEPARTMENTAL COMMITTEE
ON SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL COOPERATION
This Committee has for ten years conducted a program of technical coopera-
tion with Latin America, providing technical training and technical advisors
to foreign governments in such fields as agriculture, health, education, and
engineering. Recently, under authority of the Smith-Mundt Act, the Committee
has expanded its activities on a small scale to Asia and Africa.
I spent much of the year 1949 in travelling away from Washington. During
the months of January through March, I was on an inspection trip of our present
technical activities in Latin America. During July and August I served as
advisor to Assistant Secretary Thorp at the meeting of the United Nations
Economic and Social Council in Geneva, Switzerland. This Council was drafting
the United Nations resolution on technical assistance. During September and
October, I was an advisor on the American delegation to the United States
General Assembly which was reviewing the same resolution. In November, I
was an advisor to the American delegation at the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organization which met in Washington. Again my assignment con-
cerned a resolution on technical assistance.
In December 1949, my office and staff here transferred from the jurisdiction of
the Assistant Secretary for Public Affairs to the Assistant Secretary for Economic
Affairs, in preparation for the Point IV Program. My stall' is part of a new
office in the Department entitled the "Interim Office of Technical Cooperation
and Development." The duties of the Interim Office and the responsibilities of
the other offices of the Department in relation to this Program are set forth in
Departmental Announcement 41, a copy of which is attached.
Department of State Departmental Announcement 41
Establishment of the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and
Development (Point Four Program)
1. Effective immediately there is established under the direction of the As-
sistant Secretary for Economic Affairs the Interim Office for Technical Coopera-
tion and Development (TCD).
2. The Interim Office is assigned general responsibility within the Department
for (a) securing effective administration of programs involving technical as-
sistance to economically underdeveloped areas and (b) directing the planning
in preparation for the Technical Cooperation and Economic Development (Point
Four) Program. In carrying out its responsibilities the Interim Office will rely
upon the regional bureaus, Bureau of United Nations Affairs, and other com-
ponents of Economic Affairs area for participation in the technical assistance
1586 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
programs as specified below, and upon the central administrative offices of the
Administrative area for the performance of service functions.
3. The Interim Office has specific action responsibility for :
(a) Developing over-all policies for the program.
( b ) Formulating general program plans and issuing planning directives.
(c) Coordinating specific program plans developed by the regional bureaus
and making necessary adjustments.
(d) Approving projects, determining action agencies, and allocating funds
for U. S. bilateral programs.
(e) Directing negotiations and relationships with intergovernmental agencies
and with other U. S. agencies participating in the coordinated program or other-
wise carrying on technical assistance activities.
(/) Reviewing instructions to the field.
4. The Interim Office will coordinate the development of operating policies
governing administrative problems generally applicable to technical assistance
programs such as utilization of available specialized personnel, conditions of
employment, and utilization of training facilities.
5. The regional bureaus have responsibility with respect to technical assistance
programs for :
(a) Initiating and developing plans for technical assistance programs for
individual countries or groups of countries within their respective regions.
(&) Reviewing program proposals affecting their regions which originate from
any other source.
( c) Negotiating and communicating with foreign governments.
(d) Directing State Department personnel assigned abroad to coordinate, and
give administrative and program support to, bilateral programs.
( e) Continuously evaluating programs and projects within regions.
(/) Proposing program changes.
(g) Initiating instructions to the field carrying out their responsibilities, and
reviewing all other instructions concerned with technical assistance programs.
Responsibilities previously assigned to the regional bureaus in connection with
the Philippine Rehabilitation Program, Economic Cooperation Administration
Aid programs, and existing programs in Germany and Japan are not affected by
this announcement except for paragraph 4 above which will apply where circum-
stances require.
6. The Bureau of United Nations Affairs has-
te) Action responsibility for —
1. Developing the U. S. position concerning the international organiza-
tional machinery to be used in connection with technical assistance activities ;
2. Developing the U. S. position concerning the relative proportions of
contributions to be made by the U. S. and by other countries to the special
technical assistance accounts of international organizations ;
3. Coordinating negotiations involving such accounts,
(ft) Advisory responsibility concerning:
1. The character and scope of technical cooperation programs undertaken
by international organizations ;
2. The amounts of U. S. contributions to the special technical assistance
accounts of international organizations ;
3. U. S. positions on program allocations from such accounts by interna-
tional organizations.
The Bureau of United Nations Affairs maintains general contact with interna-
tional organizations in line with its over-all responsibilities and arranges for
direct contact between the United Nations and the participating specialized
agencies and the Interim Office of Technical Cooperation and Development or
U. S. agencies on operating program matters as requested by the Interim Office.
The Bureau for Inter-American Affairs makes corresponding arrangements with
respect to intergovernmental arrangements of the American states.
7. The following have such responsibilities in connection with technical
assistance programs as are in accord with their general responsibilities set
forth in the Organizat ion Manual of the Department.
(a) The Office of Financial and Development Policy with respect to the Inter-
national Bank and Monetary Fund.
(b) The Office of Transport and Communications Policy with respect to the
International Telecommunication Union and the International Civil Aviation
Organization.
(c) The UNESCO Relations Staff with respect to UNESCO.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1587
S. Responsibility for the administration of the Department's scientific and
technical exchange activities under the U. S. Informal ion and Educational
Exchange Act of 1948, and under the Act of August 9, 1939, authorizing the
President to render closer and more effective the relationship between the
American republics, insofar as these activities are directly related to specific
economic development projects, is transferred from the office of Educational
Exchange to the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development.
Activities which are not so related remain the responsibility of the Office of Edu-
cational Exchange. The functions, personnel, and records of the Secretariat
of the Inter-departmental Committee on Scientific and Cultural Cooperation are
transferred from the Office of Educational Exchange to the Interim Office for
Technical Cooperation and Development, except for the editorial functions con-
nected with the publication of "The Record" and the corresponding personnel
and records, which remain in the Office of Educational Exchange.
9. The Assistant Secretary for Economic Affairs will become the Department's
representative on, and the Chairman of, the Inter-departmental Committee on
Scientific and Cultural Cooperation, in place of the Assistant Secretary for
Public Affairs. He will also serve as Chairman of the Advisory Committee on
Technical Assistance. The Director of the Interim Office for Technical Coopera-
tion and Development will serve as Vice Chairman of both committees.
10. The other offices under the Assistant Secretary of Economic Affairs advise
the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development on the economic
feasibility and desirability of projects and programs, from the standpoint of
their respective specialized interests ; make or arrange for such economic studies
and analyses as the Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development
may require ; and maintain liaison with U. S. and international agencies and
with private organizations on matters within their respective fields of interest
as necessary in the planning and operation of the technical assistance programs.
11. The Director will become a member of the Board of Directors of the
Institute of Inter-American Affairs. The Interim Office for Technical Coopera-
tion and Development responsibilities enumerated under 3 and other paragraphs
above apply in full to technical assistance activities, present and future, carried
on by the Institute. The Bureau of Inter-American Affairs exercises all responsi-
bilities listed under paragraph 5 above with respect to the Institute's program.
The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development and the Bureau
of Inter-American Affairs are jointly responsible for developing such working
arrangements as are necessary to insure the administration of the Institute
of Inter-American Affairs as a constituent part of a coordinated technical
assistance program.
12. The Interim Office for Technical Cooperation and Development consists
of the following organizational units under the supervision of the designated
officers :
Director : Leslie A. Wheeler, Ext. 3871.
Technical Cooperation Projects Staff, Chief : Haldore Hanson, Ext. 3011,
5012.
Technical Cooperation Policy Staff, Chief : Samuel P. Hayes, Jr., Ext. 4571,
4572.
Technical Cooperation Management Staff : Richard R. Brown, Director of
Executive Staff, E. Ext. 2155.
(2-21-50.)
Exhibit No. 59
Text of Hanson Letter to Senator Tydings
What happens to a man's standing in his community when charged with pro-
Communist leanings was told yesterday by Haldore Hanson, chief of a techni-
cal staff working in the State Department on the Point 4 program for aiding
backward areas of the world.
Mr. Hanson wrote of his experience to Chairman Tydings of a Senate Foreign
Relations subcommittee investigating charges by Senator McCarthy, Repuhli-
can, of Wisconsin. Senator Tydings released the letter to reporters last night.
Mr. Hanson lives here at 1233 Thirty-seventh Street NW., during the winter
and at his farm in Loudoun County, 12 miles south of Leesburg, the remainder
of the year.
Text of his letter follows :
1588 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
March 24, 1950.
Dear Senator Tydings : On March 13 Senator McCarthy in sworn testimony
before your subcommittee accused me of haying pro-Communist proclivities
and of being a man with a mission to Communize tbe world.
Immediately afterward, both at a press conference and in two radio broadcasts,
I flatly denied these irresponsible charges. I pointed out that Senator Mc-
Carthy's charges were based solely on my public writings in China twelve
years ago and that he had withheld from your committee and the American
public the following facts which are public knowledge: First, that my assignment
to cover the Chinese Communists was as a correspondent for the Associated
Press in 1938: second, that the Chinese Communist armies were then under
Chiang Kai-Shek's Supreme Command and were resisting the Japanese invasion;
third, that the work of the Chinese guerrillas was one of the great news stories
of 1938. and I wrote the story as I saw it. There is no mystery about any of
my writings and I shall be glad to discuss them.
On the day that Senator McCarthy mentioned my name, I made known to
my superiors in the Department of State that I desired the opportunity to
appear before your committee and publicly defend myself against these charges
and to answer any questions that members of the committee might have con-
cerning me.
I knew that an examination of my record by your committee could quickly
establish the complete falsity of Senator McCarthy's accusations. For the rec-
ord. I submit that I was the subject of a favorable investigation by the Depart-
ment of State at the time of my appointment in 1942. In 1947 as a result of ir-
responsible statements by Representative Busbey of Illinois, I was investigated
by the Department with favorable results. After the inception of the President's
loyalty Program I was processed under the government-wide investigation by
the FBI which was completed in 1948. In these investigations my activities in
China, as well as in the United States, were covered and my writings were re-
viewed. On the basis of this investigation I was again given a complete loyalty
and security clearance by the Department of State.
In view of these circumstances I expected that I would be quickly vindicated
by your committee, and that the slurs upon my devotion to the United States
would be removed by your official action.
However, during the short time which has since elapsed, I am shocked to find
that, as a direct result of Senator McCarthy's untrue accusations and insinua-
tions, my family and I have been subjected to a series of humiliating incidents.
Each of these incidents is probably trivial in itself, but shows what a chain
reaction such irresponsible charges can have and, I fear, will continue to have.
For example, a man who feeds cattle on my farm in Virginia has been asked
why he continues to work with "that Communist." One neighboring farmer
began last week to refer to me as "that Russian spy." A man near my farm
made public remarks which could reflect on my credit standing, an indispensable
asset in the cattle business.
A petition calling my family undesirable and urging that we get out of the
community was circulated in a village near my farm. Most people approached
refused to sign it. Several of them were good enough to report the story to me.
I understand a lawyer has now advised the drafter of the petition not to
continue his activities.
If these incidents were the work of an occasional gossip, I would not dignify
them in a letter to a Senate committee. Rut these cumulative actions occurred in
a decent, educated, church-going community where I have owned a farm for five
years, helped others, l'>een helped by them, and enjoyed a reciprocal friendship
and respect with many of my neighbors. I hold no resentment against those
involved in these incidents, but I deeply resent tbe false accusations of a United
States Senator, speaking irresponsibly and protected by senatorial immunity
which can start such whisperings of suspicion and hate.
Therefore, I feel that it is of urgency for me to be granted a formal hearing
before your committee at its earliest convenience, not only for the purpose of
refuting Senator McCarthy's charges, but also in order that T may personally
tell you and the other members of the committee what damaging effects such
false accusations as Senator McCarthy makes can have upon an innocent Amer-
ican in Ins relationships with his neighbors and his community. I would like
to do anything within my power to prevent others who are innocent from going
through such experiences.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1589
Exhibit No. (ii)
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1590 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1591
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1592 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
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1594 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
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STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1595
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1596 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 67
Name : Conrad E. Snow
Date and Place of Birth : August 6, 1889, New Hampshire.
Son of Leslie P. Snow, president of New Hampshire Senate, 1919-20; Jus-
tice, New Hampshire Supreme Court, 1920-1931
Education :
Dartmouth College— A. P»., 1912.
Majored in Economics.
Magna Cum Laude and Phi Beta Kappa.
Oxford University— B. A., 1915 ; M. A., 1929.
Honor School of Modern History.
Rhodes Scholar.
Harvard Law School— LL. B., 1917.
Editor, Harvard Law Review.
Ames Prize.
Experience :
Professional Attainments :
General practice of law, 21 years in New Hampshire. Active trial
attorney in State and Federal Courts. Senior partner or sole attor-
ney— 19 years. Martindale-Hubbell rating- — AVIG.
New Hampshire Bar Association: Secretary-Treasurer (10 years).
American Bar Association :
Member House of Delegates (5 years).
Section of International and Comparative Law.
American Law Institute : Compiled "New Hampshire Annotations of
Restatement of Law of Contracts."
American Judicature Society; Director (5 years).
Federal Bar Association
American Society of International Law
Rochester Trust Company: Director (12 years).
Public Offices :
New Hampshire Legislature. 1929-30; Chairman, Judiciary Committee.
New Hampshire Constitutional Convention, 1930; Chairman, Judiciary
Committee.
Department of State, 1940 (August 22) — Date; Assistant Legal Adviser
for Political Affairs, P-8.
Military :
First Lieutenant to Captain, 1917-19 ;
Personnel Adjutant, Fourth Field Artillery Brigade, AEF.
Lieutenant Colonel to Brigadier General, 1940—16
Director, Legal Division, office of Chief Signal Officer, 1941-45.
Officer in Charge of Clemency, OUSW.
Legion of Merit, 1945.
Name : Theodore Carter Achilles.
Place and Date of Birth : Rochester, New York, December 29, 1905 (straight
American descent on both sides for several generations).
Education :
Hill School, Pottstown, Pennsylvania.
San Jose High School, San Jose, California.
Leland Stanford University, A. B., 1925.
Yale University, 1926-28, graduate study.
Member of: Metropolitan and Chevy Chase Clubs, Washington; Yale Club,
New York.
Experience :
Engaged in newspaper work in California and Japan, 192S-30.
Married in 1933 to Marion Field.
Appointed, alter examination, Foreign Service Officer, January 8, 1932.
Stationed as Vice Consul at Havana. l!i.">2. in Rome, 1933.
Assigned to the Department of State. V.(35-39.
Third Secretary at the Embassy in London, 1939-41.
Charge d'Affaires ad interim near governments of Belgium, Netherlands,
Norway and Poland, in London in 1940-41.
To the Department in 1941.
Assistant Chief, Division of British Commonwealth Affairs, 1944, Chief,
1944.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1597
Experience -Continued
First Secretary of Embassy in London, 1045, and in Brussels, 1046.
Assigned to Department of State, 1947, as Chief of the Division of Western
European Affairs.
Member of U. S. Delegations at the International Labor Conference, New
York. 1941.
UX Conference on Food and Agriculture, Hot Springs, Virginia, 1043.
IX Conference on International Organization, Sau Francisco, 1945.
Council of Foreign Ministers, London, 1945.
Paris Conference, 19-Ki.
First Session, UN Assembly, London, 194G.
Second Session, UN Assembly, New York, 1047.
Present position : Director, Office of Western European Affairs.
Name : Willard F. Barber.
Date and Place of Birth: March 21, 1009, Mitchell, South Dakota.
Education:
Public Schools of California, Iowa, South Dakota, and New Mexico.
Stanford University, A. B., 1028; M. A. 1029.
Columbia University, Postgraduate work, 1030-1033.
Awarded Einstein Prize for Excellence in American Diplomacy, Columbia
University, 1933.
Graduated from the National War College, 1048.
Membership in Societies:
University Club, Washington, D. C.
American Foreign Service Association (Associate Member).
Pi Sigma Alpha.
National Honorary Political Science Fraternity.
American Society of International Law.
Association of American University Professors.
American Political Science Association.
American Society for Public Administraiton.
Member of Latin American Committee of American Political Science Asso-
ciation, 1046, and reappointed in 1047, 1048, and 1040.
Foreign Policy Association.
Publications :
In collaboration with W. B. Guthrie: American Government, a textbook,
published by Globe Book Company.
Contributor to : Foreign Service Journal, American Political Science Review,
American Journal of International Law, Hispanic American Historical
Review, The Journal of Politics, International Journal (Canadian), The
Western Political Science Review, The New Mexico Quarterly Review,
American Political Science Quarterly, The Western Political Science
Quarterly, etc., etc.
Professional Activities :
1031-1038, Tutor, then Instructor, in Government in Diplomacy, College of
the City of New York.
1938-1943, Officer of the Division of American Republics, Department of
State, working on problems of Panama, Haiti, Dominican Republic and
< uba.
In 1942 on temporary assignment for U. S. Embassies at Port-au-Prince and
Ciudad Trujillo.
1944-1945, Assistant Chief, Division of Financial and Monetary Affairs,
Department of State.
1943-1946, Assistant Chief and Acting Chief, Division of Central American
and Caribbean Affairs, Department of State, including countries of Panama,
Costa Rica, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Honduras, Cuba, Haiti,
Dominican Republic.
In 1944, Secretary to Interdepartmental Committee on Inter-American Eco-
nomic Development.
During 1945, on detail to U. S. diplomatic missions in Cuba, Dominican
Republic, and Haiti.
February 1946, Adviser to U. S. Delegate at Second West Indian Conference,
St. Thomas, Virgin Islands.
May 1946, Representative of the Department of State at inauguration of
Governor of American Virgin Islands.
In 1946 appointed Chief of Division of Caribbean Affairs.
1598 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Professional Activities — Continued
1946 and 1947, Lecturer at Institute conducted by the School of Advanced
International Studies (Washington, D. C.) on Political Problems of the
Caribbean Area.
1947, Lecturer, American University, Washington, D. C, on "Problems in
Inter-American Relations."
1947, Participant in Brookings Institution Seminar on International Rela-
tions, held at University of Virginia and Dartmouth College.
September 1947, assigned to the National War College.
June 1948, graduated from National War College.
August 1948, Chief, Division of Central American and Panama Affairs, State
Department.
In 1948 on temporary assignment to U. S. Embassies at Panama, San Jose,
Managua, Tegucigalpa, San Salvador, and Guatemala City.
Appointed Alternate Member of State Department Loyalty and Security
Board, 1948.
1948, Appointed to State Department Advisory Committee on Information
Policy.
July 1949, appointed Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for American
Republic Affairs.
Travel : United States, Mexico, Canada, Caribbean Area, Europe and Iberian
Peninsula, Central America.
Marital Status : Married, one daughter.
Residence :
1522 Red Oak Drive, Silver Spring, Maryland.
Telephone : SLigo 8275.
Name: John O. Bell.
Date and Place of Birth: Manila, P. I., October 4, 1912 (parents U. S. citizens).
Son of John Oscar and Fiances Earle (Cooley).
Education :
George Washington University, B. S., 1934; J. D., 1939 National War Col-
lege, graduated 1948.
Admitted to D. C. bar, 1938.
Experience : With U. S. Department of State since 1931.
Officer in Fraud Section, Passport Division, 1937-39. Assisted U. S. District
Attorney (S. D. N. Y.) in preparation and prosecution ppt. fraud case vs.
Earl Browder, chief government witness in connection therewith.
Executive Officer, Passport Division, 1939^1.
Chief, Air Priorities Section, 1943-46.
Chief, Air Transport Section, 1946.
Assistant Chief, 1946.
Associate Chief, 1947-48.
Chief, 1948.
Assistant Chief, Division of Northern European Affairs since 1948.
January 1949 assigned as Political Adviser to Chairman, Foreign Military
Assistance Correlation Committee.
Assistant Director, Mutual Defense Assistance Program since 1949.
Secretary for documentation, International Civil Aviation Conference, Chi-
cago, 1944.
Conference Registration Officer, United Nations Conference, San Francisco,
1945.
Special Representative of U. S. State Department Aviation negotiations in
Peru, Ecuador, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay 1946-1947.
Alternate member U. S. Department of State Loyalty and Security Board
since 1948.
Member of:
D. C. American Foreign Service Association.
George Washington University Law Association.
Alpha Chi Sigma.
Name : G. Hayden Raynor.
Date and Place of Birth : August 28, 1906, Brooklyn, New York.
Education :
Sidney Lanier High School, Montgomery, Alabama, 1923 ;
University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, A.B. 1927; (Held fellowship
in English teaching courses in Freshman English during senior year.)
Harvard, Graduate School of Business Administration, MBA 1929. .
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1599
Experience :
Summer, 1928 : Wall Street Journal ;
1929-30: Irving Trust Company, New York City, general hanking training;
1931-37: Guaranty Trust Company of New York, Personal trust admin-
istration ;
1937--10: E. It. Stettinius, Jr., Estate of Judith C. Stettinius, Financial and
investment work;
1939-40 : U. S. Steel Corporation, Office of the Chairman of the Board, General
Assistant, studies special problems;
1939: Served on Staff War Resources Board while Mr. Stettinius was chair-
man thereof ;
*1940: Assistant to the Commissioner in charge of Industrial Materials (E. R.
Stettinius, Jr.) of the Advisory Commission to the Council of National
*1941: Assistant to the Director of Priorities (E. R. Stettinius, Jr.) of the
Office of Production Management ;
*1941-3: Special Assistant to the Administrator (E. R. Stettinius, Jr.) of the
Lend-Lease Administration ; Served as Executive Secretary of the Policy
Committee of the Lend-Lease Administration ;
*Dec. 1944-45: Special Assistant to the Under Secretary of State (E. R.
Stettinius, Jr.) ;
♦Dec. 1944—45 : Special Assistant to the Secretary of State (E. R. Stettinius,
Jr.) ;
1945: Special Assistant to the Director of the Office of European Affairs
of Department of State (title now is Adviser to the Assistant Secretary for
and the Bureau of European Affairs). For first six months handled
Economic Affairs for EUR and since early 1946 have handled United
Nations Affairs.
Publication : An article on the United Nations Charter in the University of Vir-
ginia Law Review (late 1945 or early 1946).
Clubs : Harvard Club of New York City.
Conferences: Have attended following conferences as Assistant to Chairman
United States Delegation : Dumbarton Oaks, Chapultepec, Mexico City, San
Francisco.
Have attended following conferences as Adviser to the United States Dele-
gation : Last half 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and the two Special Sessions of the Gen-
eral Assembly (both parts), of the United Nations.
On occasion have served as Adviser to Senator Austin in his capacity as
United States Representative on the Security Council of the United Nations.
Have also served in 1946-47 as United States representative on the Mem-
bership Committee of the Security Council and occasionally on other com-
mittees during meetings of the General Assembly.
Name : David A. Robertson.
Date and Place of Birth : July 2, 1910, Birmingham, Alabama.
Education :
Grade School, High School graduate, Birmingham, Alabama.
University of Alabama, B. S., 1931 ; LL.B., 1933.
Experience :
Land Department, Shell Petroleum Corporation, Box 2099, Houston, Texas,
1933-1940, curing titles, buying liens, royalties, pipeline rights-of-way,
settling estates.
State Department, Division of Controls, 1940-1941, by Executive Order
transferred to Board of Economic Warfare handling export control policy
and action on various commodities including oil, machinery, copper, brass,
and bronze.
Naval Officer (Lt. (j. g.) to Lt. Com.) in Bureau of Supplies and Accounts,
Navy Department, 1942-1945, administering petroleum supply programs
for Army, Navy, Air Force, and Lend-Lease programs. Commended by
Forrestal in 1942 for avoiding stoppage in war industry manufacture.
Also served as Naval witness before Truman Committee on oil transport.
•Served with the late E. R. Stettinius in these several jobs in a confidential capacity.
Duties involved handling important correspondence, reviewing reports, and advising on
policy questions which arose.
1600 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Experience — Continued
State Department, 1945-1950: Petroleum Division, 1945-1947 Chairman,
Petroleum Facilities Coordinating Committee, interdepartmental, han-
dling disposal surplus oil facilities abroad. 1947-1950, Special Assistant
for Politics-Military matters coordinating and preparing positions for
National Security Council, cabinet and subcabinet discussions and matters
involving relations with Department of Defense in Near East, Africa, and
South Asia.
Alternate Member. Department of State Loyalty Board, 194S-50.
Name: John William Sipes.
Place and Date of Birth : Washington, D. C, October 29, 1919.
Marital Status : Married — Two Children.
Education :
Lee-Jackson High School (Fairfax County, Virginia).
George Washington University, A. A. and A. B. degrees.
George Washington Law School.
Georgetown Law School, L. L. B.
Memberships :
George Washington University Alumni Association.
Georgetown University Alumni Association.
Phi Delta Phi Legal Fraternity. .
Pi Gamma Nu (Honorary Social Science)
U. S. Naval Reserves.
Kemper Lodge No. 64, A. F. & A. ML, Falls Church, Virginia.
First Baptist Church, Alexandria, Virginia.
Military Experience :
Lieutenant. USNR, 1942-1945, assigned as follows:
Communications Watch Officer — Vice Chief Naval Operations.
Communications Watch Officer — Commander, North Pacific Forces.
Communications Officer — XAS, Moffatt Field, California.
Experience :
Executive Office of the President, Office of Government Reports — Personnel
Officer, 1940-42.
Department of State, Division of Departmental Personnel, Recruiting and
Placement Officer, 1945-46.
Office of the Secretary, Executive Secretariat, 1946-48.
Office of Assistant Secretary for Congressional Relations, Legislative As-
sistant, 1919 to date.
Name : William Pennell Snow.
Place and Date of Birth : Bangor, Maine, July 23, 1907.
Education : Phillips Exeter Acad. ; Bowdoin College and Tufts College 1925-30.
Experience:
Employed by insurance company 11)31-32.
Appointed clerk in dist. accounting and disbursing office at Paris June 2,
1934.
Vice Consul at Paris October 17, 1934.
Also Asst. Dist. Accounting and Disbursing Officer at Paris October 2">, 1934.
Foreign Service Officer, unclassified, Vice Consul of Career and Sec. in the
Diplomatic Service, and Vice Consul at Paris October 1. 1935, in addition
to duties as Asst. Dist. Accounting and Disbursing Officer.
Foreign Service School September 21, 1936.
Vice Consul at Stockholm April 7, 1937; also Third Sec. at Stockholm
November 27, 1940.
Vice Consul at Callao-Lima December 23, 1940; also Third Sec. at Lima
April 26, 1941.
Second Sec. at Lima in addition tc duties as Vice Consul August 23, 194.",;
at San Jose February 5, 1945.
Consul at St. Johns. E. F.
Detailed to the National War College September 1947-June 194S.
Assistant Chief, Division of British Commonwealth Affairs, August 23, 1948.
Officer in Charge, British-Dominion Affairs, since August 1949.
Name: Arthur G. Stevens.
Date and Place of Birth : -May 23, 1912— Greenwood, Miss.
Education : Greenwood High School, and University of Mississippi, Duke Univer-
sity, B. A.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1601
Experience:
Assistant Secretary to Congressman Will M. Whittington, Mississippi,
1! 134-35.
Asst. to Executive Secretary, Central Statistical Board, 1985-38.
Assistant to Commissioner, Bureau <>f Labor Statistics, 1938-41.
Asst. to Economic Advisor for the White House, 1941-42.
Chief of Transportation Division, Munitions Assignment Board, Combined
Chiefs of Staff, 1942-45.
Budget Examiner, Bureau of Budget, 1945—46.
Asst. to Asst. Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, 1946.
Special Assistant, Office of Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs,
1947.
Executive Director, Bureau of European Affairs, Department of State.
Member :
Phi Delta Theta Fraternity.
Westmoreland Congregational Church.
Name : Alien B. Moreland.
Date and Place of Birth : November 7, 1911 — Dawson, Georgia. Legal Resi-
dence— Jacksonville, Florida.
Education :
University of Florida, B. B. S. in Business Administration.
Majored in Economics and Business Administration.
Phi Kappa Phi Honorary Society.
Georgetown Law School, LL. B.
Member Staff, Georgetown Law Journal.
Harvard University, M. A. in Government.
Majored in Government and Political Science.
Columbia University, M. A. in International Administration.
Majored in International Law and Administration.
George Washington Law School, LLM.
Majored in International Law and Administrative Law.
Experience :
Member of Bars of State of Florida and District of Columbia ; American
Society of International Law ; American Political Science Association ;
American Legion and Veterans of Foreign Wars. State and County
Deputy Assessor of Taxes (Florida) ; Advisor on economic affairs to
Assistant Secretary of State for Occupied Areas (General Hilldring) ;
Legislative Assistant to Assistant- Secretary of State for Congressional
Relations (Asst. Secretaries Cross and McFall).
Military Experience :
Commander, USNR. Head of Counter Intelligence Section, District In-
telligence Office, Seventh Naval District; Senior Naval Civil Affairs
Officer, Cherbourg, France ; Head, Government Section, Office of Island
Governments, Navy Department.
Name : Berry, James Lampton.
Date and Place of Birth : Columbia, Mississippi — May 10, 1908.
Education : Webb Sch. grad. ; University of Mississippi, B. A. 1929, M. A. 1931 ;.
Yale University graduate work 1932-34.
Experience :
Instructor in Political Science, University of Mississippi, 1930-31 ; Teaching
Assistant in Political Science, University of Illinois, 1931-32: appointed
Clerk in American Consulate at Durban, March 16, 1934 ; Vice Consul at
Durban, August 11, 1934; at Johannesburg, temporarily, July 7, 1936; at
Lourenco Marquez, temporary, September 1, 1936; at Durban, February 13,
1937 ; at Johannesburg, temporary, March 20, 1937 : at Durban August 6,
1937 ; at Lourenco Marquez, temporary, January 3, 1938 ; at Capetown, tem-
porary. January 22, 1938; at Durban, May 2, 1939; Foreign Service Officer
unclassified, Vice Consul of career, sec. in the Diplomatic Service, and
Vice Consul at Durban, July 15, 1939 ; at Port Elizabeth, temporary, July
18, 1939 ; at Durban, September 3, 1939 : at Calcutta, June 1, 1940 ; also sec.
to Commissioner of United States to India at New Delhi, September 16,
1941 : sec. to personal representative of the President at New Delhi, March
21. 1942 : sec. at New Delhi, May 16, 1942 ; class eight, July 16, 1943 : Army
and Navy Staff College, grad. 1945; country specialist in State Department,
February 1. 1945: Acting Assistant Chief. Division of Middle Extern
Affairs, April 12, 1945 ; July 1, 1945 ; Assistant Chief, Division of Middle
1602 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Experience — Continued
Eastern Affairs, September 25, 1945, Division of Middle Eastern and Indian
Affairs, August 16, 1946 ; Special Assistant to the Director ; Office of Near
Eastern and African Affairs, September 7, 1947 ; Member Policy Planning
Staff, November 22, 1948.
Name : Belton O'Neal Bryan.
Date and Place of Birth: September 8, 1910 — Georgetown, South Carolina (of
parents born in South Carolina).
Education :
Duncan High School, Duncan, South Carolina.
Duke University, Durham, North Carolina, B. A. 1934.
The Georgetown University, Washington, D. C, LL. B.
Admitted to District of Columbia Bar 1938.
Member of Pi Kappa Phi Social Fraternity.
Member of Delta Theta Phi Legal Fraternity.
Experience :
Employed by Federal Government since November 1933, in Coast and Geodetic
Survey, General Accounting Office, and Department of State ;
Commissioned in the United States Army Reserve in 1939 and entered on
active duty in October 1941 as Second Lt.
Obtained rank of Lt. Col. and subsequently reverted to Reserve Status in
June 1946.
Served in Ordnance Department and the Inspector General's Office.
Qualified as Pistol Expert.
Awarded Defense, Campaign and Victory Medals and two Army Commenda-
tion Ribbons.
Since leaving Military Service entei'ed Department of State as Executive
Officer to the Legal Adviser ; Assistant Legal Adviser ; and Special Assistant
to the Deputy Under Secretary of State.
Name : Robert F. Woodward.
Date and Place of Birth : October 1, 1908, at Minneapolis, Minn.
Education : University of Minnesota — B. A. 1930.
Experience
Manager of Printing Plant and Editor, 1927-1930.
Foreign Service Officer (unclass.), Vice Consul of career, and secretary in
the Diplomatic Service, 1931.
Vice Consul at Winnipeg, 1932.
Foreign Service School, April 1933.
Vice Consul at Buenos Aires, August 1933.
Vice Consul at Asuncion, temp., September 1935.
Vice Consul at Buenos Aires, November 1935.
Third Secretary at Bogota, June 1936 ; Vice Consul, June 1936.
Vice Consul at Rio de Janeiro, 1937.
To the Department, April 1939.
Acting Asst. Chief, Division of the American Republics, Nov. 1941 ; Asst.
Chief, July 1942.
Second Secretary and Consul at La Pas, Bolivia, Sept. 1942.
To the Department, June 1944.
Acting Asst. Chief, Division of North and West Coast Affairs, July 1944.
Second Secretary at Guatemala, August 1944.
First Secretary at Guatemala, June 1945.
Counsel of Embassy at Habana, December 1945.
To the Department. March 1947.
Deputy Director, Office of American Republic Affairs, March 1947.
Assigned to Army War College during 1949.
Exhibit No. 68
Headquarters of the Generalissimo, China,
Chungking, Szechvan, 12 January, 19',2.
President Franklin D. Roosevelt.
The ^Yhite House, Washington, D. C.
Dear Mr. President : I am happy to have the opportunity afforded by Mr.
Lattimore's return to America on a short visit, to send you a word of greeting,
and to thank you for recommending him as my political advisor.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1603
Mr. Lattimore lias fully measured up to our expectations and has entirely
justified your choice. You unerringly detected the right man to select to act
as a Counsellor at a time When decisions which will affect the whole world for
generations to come are in the balance. He has not only a wide knowledge of our
language, history, and geography, lie lias in addition an invaluable understanding
of our contemporary political affairs. His absolute integrity is manifest in
everything that ho does or says, and I never have the slightest doubt that any
suggestion that he may make is based upon a genuine desire to assist China
to the utmost of his power.
The various Missions that you have sent to China are doing valuable work.
They, and the visits of various members of your Government, have greatly
helped to bring America closer to us. Personal contacts necessarily tend to
promote closer and more understanding relationship and friendship. You may
be assured that all the American Missions are going about their duties with a
zeal that promises permanently useful results.
Since the Japanese attacks on Pearl Harbor, the Philippines and Hongkong, the
Pacific problem has become more acute. It is fortunate that under your wise
and steadfast leadership, the future outcome of our concerted struggle against
treachery and barbarity is assured. I assure you that I shall do my utmost to
help bring about a world order based upon justice tempered with mercy.
Mr. Lattimore will personally convey to you my views on some important
matters upon which I have not touched above. If there are messages you wish
to send me. I should appreciate you entrusting them to Mr. Lattimore to be
conveyed to me upon his return to China.
Madam ChiaDg joins me in sending best wishes to you and Mrs. Roosevelt
"Vnnrs sincerely,
Chang Kai-e iiek.
Exhibit No. 69
ARCTIC RESEARCH LABORATORY ADVISORY BOARD
Minutes of the Fourth Meeting, May 17, 18, 19, 1949
Arctic Research Laboratory, Point Barrow, Alaska
attendance
Members :
Commo. W. G. Greenman, Director, Naval Petroleum Reserves.
Dr. John C. Reed, Staff Geologist, U. S. Geological Survey, Chairman.
Dr. M. C. Shelesnyak, Head, Ecology Branch, ONR, Executive Secretary.
Dr. Laurence Irving, Scientific Director, Arctic Research Laboratory.
Dr. John E. Graf, Asst. Sec'y, Smithsonian Institution, vice for Dr. Alex-
ander Wetmore.
Prof. Owen Lattimore, Director, Walter Hines Page School of International
Relations, vice for Dr. Detlev Bronk (Johns Hopkins).
Dr. Walter H. Munk, Oceanographer, Scripps Institution of Oceanography,
vice for Dr. Roger Revelle.
Dr. J. Frank Schairer, Carnegie Institution of Washington.
Mrs. Yvonne Reamy, Adm. Asst. to Exec. Sec'y.
Consultants :
Prof. George Carter, Head, School of Geography, Johns Hopkins.
Dr. John Field, Physiology Department, Stanford University.
Dr. S. R. Galler, Head, Biophysics Branch. ONR.
LTCDR E. P. Huey, Office of Naval Research.
Dr. T. J. Killian, Science Director, Office of Naval Research.
Prof. G. E. MacGinitie, Director. William G. Kerckhoff Marine Laboratory.
Mr. Graham Rowley, Chief, Arctic Div., Defense Research Board, Canada.
Dr. D. Y. Solandt, Arctic Research Advisory Board, Defense Research Board,
Canada.
Dr. A. Lincoln Washburn, Exec. Dir., Arctic Institute of North America.
Absent :
Dr. Detlev Bronk, President, Johns Hopkins University.
Dr. Ellis A. Johnson, General Research Office, Johns Hopkins.
Dr. Roger Revelle, Co-Director, Scripps Institution of Oceanography.
Dr. Alexander Wetmore, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution.
1604 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
The meeting was called to order by the Chairman at 8: 00 p. m., 17 May 1949.
Before the reading of the minutes of the previous meeting, it was moved by
Dr. Sehairer that the Board express its appreciation to the women of the Arctic
Contractors camp and the Arctic Research Laboratory for their hospitable
reception during the afternoon preceding the meeting. The motion was sec-
onded by D. Graf and passed unanimously.
The Chairman indicated that in order to facilitate the proper consideration
of the agenda, tbose attending the meeting would be divided into working groups
to consider various phases of the agenda. The teams, or working groups, were
assigned as follows :
Committee on Oceanography : Committee on Geophysics and Geology :
Dr. Walter Munk, Chairman Dr. T. J. Killian, Chairman
Prof. G. E. MacGinitie Dr. J. Frank Sehairer
Dr. John C. Reed Dr. A. L. Washburn
Committee on Medical Research : Committee on Anthropology and Socia
Dr. John Field, Chairman Sciences :
Dr. M. C. Shelesnyak Prof. Owen Lattimore, Chairman
Dr. D. Y. Solandt Dr. George Carter
Committee on Biology : Mr. Graham Rowley
Dr. John Graf, Chairman
Dr. S. R. Galler
Dr. Laurence Irving
Minutes of the Third Meeting
Dr. Graf raised the question of disposition of specimens. The Chairman
recommended that a paragraph be inserted in the minutes to the effect that type
collections would be given to the Smithsonian Institution but that the privile^p
would be retained of keeping compared specimens. Dr. Graf moved —
"That the minutes of the third meeting be approved as amended."
Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Sehairer and passed unanimously.
Minutes of the ARLAB meeting 8 February 19Jt9
Dr. Irving stated that he did not wish to be included in the list of those at-
tending this meeting, inasmuch as he did not arrive until the conclusion of the
meeting. The Chairman suggested that an asterisk be placed after the name of
the Scientific Director and a note be made to the effect that the Scientific
Director did not arrive until the conclusion of the meeting.
There was a brief discussion of whether this meeting should lie called the
"Fourth" meeting of the ARLAB, as indicated in the minutes. Dr. Sehairer said
that the meeting was merely a discussion on policy and planning of the ARLAB.
Dr. Graf moved —
"That a paragraph be inserted in the minutes to the effect that no formal action
was taken by the Board at this meeting and that it consisted merely of a discus-
sion, by the Board members, consequently it was not to be called the 'Fourth'
meeting."
Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Sehairer and passed unanimously.
Report of the Executive Secretary
This report consisted of a number of items which the Executive Secretary
wished to bring to the attention of the Board for discussion and suggestion.
(1) Contractor's Manual: a draft of this manual was made and submitted
to the Board with the agenda for final consideration and comment.
(2) Internal Administration of ARL Manual: A draft of this was submitted
to the Board for final consideration and comment.
(3) Report of Action based on recommendations that ONR seek out and at-
tempt to stimulate a university of proper stature and graduate interest which
would find itself in a position to support the laboratory on an operational basis.
In February at the invitation of Dr. Bronk, President of The Johns Hopkins
University, a meeting was held with Dr. Shelesnyak, Dr. Irving, Dr. Prof. Cloos,
Carter, Lattimore. Lee, Wilber, President Emeritus Bowman and others. Several
weeks later the University submitted to ONR a proposal for the operation of the
laboratory. This was included in the agenda submitted to the Board.
(4) Statement to the effect that a renewal of the contract with the Smith-
sonian Institution for the ARLAB is being processed and will be effected on the
first of July, the beginning of the fiscal year.
(5) Item 5 consisted of a proposal which the Executive Secretary wished to
submit to the Board. In view of the unique characteristics of medical research
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1605
and need for active medical research programs in the Arctic, and because of the
integrated activities with the planned Arctic Health program at College, Alaska,
the U. S. Public Health Service and Territorial Health interests, the Secretary
wished the Board to consider establishing a medical advisory group.
(0) Policy and program on library facilities, promotion of interests among
the other libraries and universities for forwarding material to the AJEtL in the
form of an association. It was the opinion of the Executive Secretary that
such an association would be in a better position to build up the ARL library than
individuals.
(7) Request from the Executive Secretary for a statement of policy on publi-
cations of research reports carried out at ARL, bulletins of activities and other
tvpes of publications.
(S) Request by Executive Secretary for statement on planning an educational
program for the laboratory relative to the matter of exhibits (periodic and pro-
gram exhibits) and local publications.
The Chairman stated that items (1) and (2) would be designated to a work-
ins group to consider and to report at the Thursday session of the meeting. The
group designated consisted of Dr. John Graf, Chairman, Prof. G. E. MacGinitie,
Dr. Laurence Irving, Mrs. Yvonne Reamy.
Commodore Greenman informed the appointed committee that the office of the
Director of Naval Petroleum Reserves and the Officer in Charge of Construction
have reviewed these two items insofar as administrative procedure is concerned
and that the committee need not consider that factor.
Dr. Shelesnyak said that the proposal for operation of the ARL as submitted
by Johns Hopkins was under negotiation. It would have to be renewed on a
fiscal year basis.
The Chairman stated that this was the first time there had been a contract
proposed specifically for operating the laboratory.
Dr. Shelesnyak said that, the laboratory was initiated under the leadership of
Dr. Irving, from Swarthmore College. Its operation and existence would be
completely impossible without Pet. 4, as all activities which are called "logistics
support" are provided by Pet. 4. Money for this support is made available from
ONR to the Bureau of Yards and Docks. Certain activities of the laboratory of
an operations and "housekeeping" nature (clerical work, plant management, shop
facilities, etc.) were of a research nature and the Arctic Contractors which
provides these general services for Pet. 4, felt this type of activity was not
within their realm and did not wish to carry it. In August of last year, addi-
tional funds were made available to the Swarthmore contract for operational
support. However, no specific additions were outlined in the contract.
Dr. Irving indicated interest in the terms under which Johns Hopkins wishes
to undertake direction of the laboratory. He asked the Chairman for additional
time in which to study the proposal before discussion. The Chairman suggested
that this proposal be postponed until a later session of the meeting.
Regarding renewal of the contract with the Smithsonian Institution, Dr.
Shelesnyak stated that it is the policy of ONR to have advisory panels composed
of specialists in those particular fields. These panels are appointed to advise
the CNR regarding research and policy in these fields. This Board is an advisory
panel to advise the CNR regarding operation, policy and planning of the ARL.
The contract for the Board is renewed on an annual basis at the beginning of
the fiscal year. No action on this is required by the Board.
In relation to the medical advisory group suggested by Dr. Shelesnyak, the
Board was asked its opinion of such a group. He explained the function of
advisory panels. This particular panel would be composed of specialists in Medi-
cine who would report through the Board but would not necessarily be members
of the Board. He felt that perhaps the Chairman of such a group could be
a member of the ARLAB.
Dr. Killian explained the types of panels instituted by ONR. He did not feel
that paid consultants were necessarily the best consultants. Dr. Graf felt that
the Board might be limited to non-paid consultants. There followed a discussion
as to what type of panel constituted the best and most desirable type.
Dr. Washburn asked if a medical advisory group were any more necessary
than any other group and if such problems could not be handled when they
arose.
Dr. Shelesnyak replied that there is perhaps less information and less organ-
ized activity relative to medical geography in the Arctic than any other field. At
the same time there are whole series of groups with responsibilities for health
and medical research in the Arctic. In view of the fact that one of the functions
1606 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
of the Board is in nurturing research in the Arctic, he believed the advice could
be gotten by having one member of the Board who would seek such advice from
colleagues but that this type of arrangement would not have the effect that
the appointment of a regular group would have.
The Chairman stated that if the need arose in any of the other disciplines the
establishment of such groups would not be out of line.
Dr. Lattimore said that one point worth considering is that if Johns Hopkins
takes over the operation of the ARL. it would be wise to avoid any appearance
of monopoly on their part and that proposing a group to consider medical problems
would be better than appointing or designating one person.
Dr. Graf said that the Navy had organized the laboratory ostensibly for de-
fense and from that point of view, medical research assumes an important
position.
The Chairman said that there had been some emphasis in some fields and not
others simply because there was no adequate representation in those fields, but
he did not favor any special emphasis given to any discipline beyond what was
appropriate.
Mr. Rowley asked if the proposed medical group was supposed to advise on
all medical problems or just those affecting ARL?
Dr. Shelesnyak replied that it was primarily concerned with medical research
in the Arctic as focused around the activity of the ARL. He felt the NPR camp
represented a highly industrialized scene where the impact of a high degree of
technology on a native population exists. Not too far away there are native
groups not under this impact and therefore he felt it rather unique and gives
somewhat of an accent to the problem.
After considerable discussion Dr. Graf moved —
"That a member of the ARLAB be designated to consider problems of medical
research appropriate to the ARL."
Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously.
A committee to consider library facilities of the ARL was appointed by the
Chairman. This committee was for the duration of the meeting only and was in-
structed to report at a later session. Members were Dr. Killian, Chairman,
Dr. Schairer, Dr. Washburn.
In regard to the educational program, Dr. Field stated that (a) he was par-
ticularly interested in seminars as he felt under such isolated conditions the
need was more acute. He felt they gave opportunity for criticism of work and
for suggestions, (b) Talks on less technical levels for the entire Arctic Con-
tractor's camp were also desirable. Both types of discussions were needed.
Dr. Munk said he had noticed a strong tendency of people working on research
problems not to bother about what has happened in the past. He suggested any
educational program should include an attempt to familiarize people with past
work. Secondly, he felt the library should purchase accounts of classic expedi-
tions for reference as they contained much of value to current researchers.
Dr. Irving believed there was the question of just how far the library should
go in expansion. The task of building up a true research library would have to
be near university magnitude. He felt it might be more expedient to work
toward a university library at Fairbanks to which the researchers could turn,
or to work toward enlarging the University of Alaska library. He did not believe
the educational program harmonized with field research.
Dr. Shelesnyak said the laboratory should have every aspect of continuity and
as much of its own substance as possible in order to acquire a group of people
who will work in the field.
The Chairman appointed a group to consider an education program for the
laboratory, as follows: Prof. MacGinitie, chairman. Dr. Carter, Dr. Field.
The Board recessed at 10 : 30 p. m.
SECOND SESSION
The meeting was called to order by the Chairman at 7 : 15 p. m., May 18. This
portion of the agenda was designated to acquaint the Board members and con-
sultants who were not acquainted with the organizational background in Arctic
Alaska with that background. Attendant at this session were employees of the
Arctic Contractors and local residents of Barrow Village.
Dr. Shelesnyak explained the organization of the Office of Naval Research and
its interrelationships with the Arctic Research Laboratory. He explained the
situation as one where the laboratory is far removed from the campus and from
ONR. ONR is engaged in basic research although not necessarily immediately
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1607
pertinent to the Navy. Illustrative remarks were accompanied by an organiza-
tional chart as the explanation progressed.
Commodore Greettman gave the administrative and organizational background
of Pet. 4 and how it is integrated with other branches of the Navy. He stated
that the Secretary of the Navy has supervision of all operations of Naval Petro-
leum Reserves. The Secretary established an operating committee to advise
NPK. NPR serves only as an administrative office as the Bureau of Yards and
Docks is the actual directing agency. The actual project manager is a group with
whom the Bureau of Yards and Docks has a contract to carry on the work.
Dr. Reed called attention to the fact that Commodore Greenman has done a
great deal to aid in the development of programs of other organizations such as
the Geological Survey, ARL, Army. Air Forces, and a number of others.
The Scientific Director of the ARL reported on the scientific and general
progress of the laboratory since the previous meeting. He reported that, after a
year's use, the design and construction have proved satisfactory and well suited
to its purposes. The local operating system of the laboratory was given credit
for the effective work of the staff. A more complete report was reserved for a
later session of the meeting.
THIRD SESSION
The third session of the meeting convened at 4 : 15 p. m. on 19 May 1949. Dr.
Graf moved —
"That the Chairman of the Board prepare a letter ot the Secretary of the
Navy telling of the trip and giving credit to such people as desired:'
Vote: Dr. Schairer seconded the motion and it pass unanimously. Dr. Graf
further moved —
"That the Chairman of the Board send a letter to personnel at various points
who were instrumental in making the trip a success."
Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously.
The Scientific Director gave the second half of his report to the ARLAB. He
felt that the work done by the Naval Ordnance Laboratory over the course of
a year revealed that the periods assigned researchers for work have been too
brief to be entirely effective, and recommended that more economical and pur-
posive procedures be evolved if the work is to lead to justifiable research.
He felt that the practice of urging researchers to spend more time at Point
Barrow has discouraged them from viewing arctic research as part of a longer
career.
He was of the opinion that the examination of the research programs shows
the necessity for a senior scientist experienced in field and arctic research to
attend to the development of arctic research programs.
In regard to the building program, he stated to the Board that construction for
married people was postponed until the winter of 1949. Dr. Shelesnyak advised
the Board that materials have been ordered and all arrangements completed
and construction would be initiated in the summer of 1949 and completed before
winter 1949.
Dr. Irving stated that he did not think direction of research, critical stimula-
tion of interest in arctic research and routine direction of the laboratory were
too much for one man, although they could better be performed in a scheme of
rotation among a group of investigators within a university. He felt difficulties
resulted from incomplete information as to funds, construction, and research
projects.
He expressed dissatisfaction with the routine flow of information and stated
that in his opinion this deficiency has greatly retarded preparations for research.
Improvement, he added, appears to depend upon better use of the experience
of the operational staff of the laboratory and more appreciative attention to
their proposals.
Regardless of such difficulties, he stated that he believed the operating system
of the laboratory is well established. For the support of the ONR and for the
advice of the Board he expressed sincere appreciation on behalf of his colleagues
and himself.
Dr. Schairer moved —
"That the report of the Scientific Director be received by the Board and
filed."
Vote : Dr. Graf seconded the motion and it passed unanimously.
A discussion followed on the Johns Hopkins proposal for operation of the
laboratory. The proposal contained the position of administrative assistant.
1608 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Dr. Shelesnyak explained that this person would be employed by the home base
to expedite travel, administrative matters, etc. He added that the need for this
type of position had been pointed out by the SDARL and inasmuch as ONR is
now doing part of the work that should be handled by such a person, his employ-
ment was felt necessary.
Both Johns Hopkins and ONR feel that the proposed project is in one sense a
research project. It is research in how to maintain a distant laboratory in co-
operation between a university and government. The Board has continued to
point out the need for a graduate school for a home base.
Dr. Schairer said that if a stateside base existed, there would be a need for a
responsible person to accomplish a successful relation between the laboratory
and ONR.
Dr. Graf said that if Johns Hopkins was willing to take on the contract, the
Board should be willing to approve the university conditions, including what-
ever personnel they considered necessary.
Dr. Washburn said that as a consultant he was in favor of having a university
assume administration and specifically, the Johns Hopkins University.
Dr. Field stated that he would like to comment on the general policy of having
a university contract. He felt one of the greatest needs was to have a university
base where researchers can go with data and get adequate criticism and have
adequate facilities for research. He thought Johns Hopkins very well adapted
for this type of program.
After considerable discussion it was moved by Dr. Schairer:
"That the ARLAB advise the CNR that the Board approves the proposal of
Johns Hopkins University and recommends its acceptance."
Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Munk and passed unanimously.
The Board recessed for dinner at 6 : 20 p. m.
FOURTH SESSION
The Board reconvened at 7 : 30 with the Chairman calling for committee
reports from the Board as assigned in previous sessions.
Committee on Oceanography. — (1) The committee supported one phase in the
Archeological and Dendrochronological Research proposal, that dealing with
study of ocean currents from driftwood.
(2) The oceanographic program of the Hydrographic Office was reviewed and
the committee was in accord with the previously expressed view of the Scientific
Director that short periods of research were expensive and relatively unproduc-
tive. Whereas the committee considers present oceanographic research problems
of general interest, especially the collection of aerial photographs taken on
Ptarmigan of arctic ice conditions, the committee thinks the time has come to
make definite recommendations of long range goals.
There are essentially two oceanographic programs which might be carried out
from the ARL :
(a) Support of biological work at ARL.
(2) The oceangraphy of the Arctic basin.
It is regrettable that present oceanographic work has largely been confined
to studies of the shelf, when so little is known about the Arctic Ocean. The
fundamental oceanographic work in little known regions has been to measure
the distribution of temperature and salinity with depth, and from it to compute
circulation. The measurement of temperature and salinity from ice drifts has
the disadvantage of leading to oceanographic section parallel to the currents,
whereas the most meaningful sections are perpendicular to currents. To obtain
controlled sections perpendicular to currents one might, in winter, be able to
establish airborne oceanograph sections covering perhaps the region from Bar-
row to the Pole. This is largely a problem of logistics and furthermore one
that is not peculiar to oceanographers, but will have to be considered for any
type of studies in the Arctic Basin. The committee recommended that this
Board energetically pursue this problem on the appropriate level, and to help
designate the most suitable agency for organizing an airborne Arctic expedition.
The oceanographers should consider drawing up rather definite plans for such
an expedition, and to list the instruments and the modifications necessary, that
would be required. Such a program might include a limited amount of meteoro-
logical observations, plankton collections, and some bottom samples. The com-
mittee suggests that with concerted effort it might be possible to occupy an experi-
mental station in the winter of 1950.
Dr. Schairer moved —
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1609
"That the report as outlined should be submitted to the CNR and that the
Hoard accept and concur with the report of the committee."
Vote: Seconded by l>r. Graf and passed unanimously.
Committee on Medical Research. — Dr. Field as Chairman recommended that
(1) the work on lipid metabolism by Dr. Wilber be continued. (2) The work
of Dr. Wennesland and party on thermal adaption on tissue should be ap-
proved. (3) In regard to the proposal submitted by Dr. Levine, the committee
felt it would properly involve a large number of persons for a good many years.
The program properly should take about ten years. The proposal was not
focused enough for the Board to consider it and the committee suggested that
Dr. Levine be requested to confine activities to one held where results could more
efficiently be achieved.
Dr. Schairer moved —
-That the Hoard accept and concur with the report of the committee."
Vote : Dr. Graf seconded and the motion passed unanimously.
Committee on Biology. — Dr. Graf as chairman said the committee felt that the
projects submitted by Prof. MacGinitie and Mr. Spetznian were very meritorious
and although no request for continuation of the Swarthmore program had been
submitted by Dr. Irving, he felt it should be continued.
The Biological Survey of Anaktuvik Pass was recommended for acceptance.
The committee felt that in all surveys there should be specified the simple collec-
tion of forms. Such things as behavior, distribution, ecology, etc., should be
considered. This is useful to other workers in other projects and assures publica-
tion within reasonable time limits. This additional information will aid in
building the reputation of the laboratory.
The Ecological Studies of Marine Fauna proposal, with Prof. MacGinitie as
principal investigator, was considered excellent. The committee felt in connec-
tion with this it might be important to encourage projects in limnology. The
work might have very important applied aspects. The committee said that
projects where additional research will result in completion of well-run investi-
gations should be continued, and secondly that the Board should give study to
the possibility of working out two and three year projects. This would have a
very great effect on the planning of a project and would have the added advan-
tage of assigning funds in one year, removing that project from future competi-
tion for funds.
Dr. Galler added that the committee recommends that the attention be invited
of inland water specialists to determine some specific problems unique in Arctic
environments.
Dr. Shelesnyak moved —
"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee on
Biology"
Vote : Seconded by Dr. Schairer and passed unanimously.
Committee on Geophysics and Geology. — Dr. Killian reported for the com-
mittee, giving a review and evaluation of the work in progress, and made rec-
ommendations on proposals as follows:
(a) Measurement and Study of Arctic Phenomena: This work divided itself
into two parts (1) a study of infra-red phenomenon! in the Arctic and (2) a
study of chemical and physical properties of sea ice. The first has been explora-
tory to date. The second could be made more valuable by the addition of
petrographic studies to reveal past history of the ice. In regard to Permafrost
studies, the work has just begun and good progress has been made by Dr. Mac-
Carthy in familiarizing himself with the area. This program will be enlarged in
the fall when additional investigators will attempt to study the nature and
distribution of permafrost. The committee believed that strong support should
be given to this program.
(b) Paleontological Studies: The committee recommended that this project
be made part of the planned program of ARL.
(c) Determination of Beach Conditions Relating to Photo-Analysis and Traf-
ficability Studies in the American Arctic: The program called for a widely varied
series of undertakings which the committee did not feel such a small group
could undertake in the three to four weeks proposed. They recommended that no
action be taken by < >NR until a clearer and more definitive proposal was sub-
mitted. The committee recommended that the work be encouraged in the study
of geomorphic influence by the Arctic.
Dr. Munk moved —
1610 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
"That the Hoard accept and concur with the report of the Committee on Geo-
physics and Geology"
Vote : Motion seconded by Dr. Graf and passed unanimously.
Committee on Anthropology and Social Sciences. — Dr. Lattimore reported on
the following projects for the committee :
(a) Archeological and Dendrochronological Research : The committee felt this
proposal was thoroughly justified and was the type of project that should be
used as a pilot project. Its acceptance was recommended.
(b) Regional Geography and Climatic Research: This proposal was con-
sidered inadequate and it was noted by the committee that a rather negative
report had been submitted by the Branch Office. The committee concurs with
this report.
(c) Geographic Research Study of Point Barrow Area: There was no indica-
tion of the stature of the researcher and the committee felt such a project should
be undertaken by a more mature investigator with an adequate geographic back-
ground. The committee stated that in not encouraging this particular proposal
it did not wish to discourage the idea of undertaking both studies of adaptation
and social impact of the Eskimos at Barrow who are affected by the NPR
project.
(d) Medical and Biological Study of the Eskimo: This committee concurred
with previously expressed opinions of the Medical Committee that this project
was too ambitious for the personnel proposed.
The committee raised the question as to whether the Board should consider
the fact that social sciences are thus far on a lower level than natural or
physical sciences. From the point of view of a number of interests, it is not
too early to make an attempt to raise the social sciences somewhere nearer the
level of the natural and physical sciences.
The committee suggested that the Board recommend appointment of a com-
mittee with power to decide what should be classified as fundamental research
in the social sciences appropriate to the Arctic environment as a whole and
appropriate to research conditions available at the ARL and not only to set
up standards but to indicate priorities. Social sciences should not neglect
economics as the committee feels it is within the proper framework of social
sciences. The committee also felt that this proposed committee should include
Canadian representatives.
Dr. Schairer moved —
''That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee on
Anthropology and Social Sciences.,,
Vote : Seconded by Dr. Irving and passed unanimously.
Committee to Consider Manuals for Contractors and Internal Administration. —
Dr. Graf reported the committee was well satisfied with these proposed manuals
and agreement was also expressed by Dr. Irving. P'-of. MacGinitie also agreed,
adding that cooperation would be needed for their effective administration.
Dr. Schairer moved —
''That the Board accept and concur with the report of the Committee"
Vote : Seconded by Dr. Lattimore and passed una nimously.
Committee on Library and Publications. — Dr. Killian reported that the com-
mittee assumed that the primary functions of a research library at ARL is to
assist the research workers of a frontier field establishment to the fullest possible
extent. Among means by which this may be accomplished are —
(1) Act as repository of general scientific handbooks, guide books, basic
texts, and references.
(2) Through cooperation of other libraries to arrange for the long and
short term loan of books and publications.
(3) Subscriptions to a limited number of technical journals so that they
can be made immediately available.
(4) In cases where loan is not practicable, to secure photostats or reprints.
(5) To provide other visual presentation material, including moving pic-
tures, slides and micro-film.
The library problem should be continually studied. This can be done by a
anjall staff library committee to advise the SDARL. This committee should be
appointed by the SDARL and report to the ARLAB annually. A recommended
budget of $2,000 yearly was considered necessary by the committee. Close
coordination of the library with the ONR library in Washington, which will act
as representative for the ARL library, was recommended.
In regard to publications the Board was informed that there were no new
publications from ARL at this time. The committee felt that mailing lists should
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1611
be established as well .-is exchange lists. Monographs may be indicated later.
Dr. Killian reported that Dr. Washburn had indicated that a section of the
publication Arctic would be reserved for news notes from the ARL.
I >r. Lattimore moved —
"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the committee."
Vote: The motion was seconded by Dr. Graf and passed unanimously.
Committee to consider Education Program. — Dr. Field reporting for the com-
mittee said it recommended a system of scheduled and professional seminars be
set up at ARL. primarily for the common benefit of the staff. These seminars
Should afford opportunity for discussion of work in progress or in contemplation.
All interested, competent persons in the area should be invited to attend.
The committee also recommended a series of lectures on a less technical level
designed for the benefit of the intellectual life of the community. Navy and
Arctic Contractor personnel should be cordially invited to attend these lectures
and to participate in the program.
Dr. MacGinitie added that a program should be formulated for the ensuing
year and should be flexible enough to allow for visitors to be included.
Dr. Lattimore moved—
"That the Board accept and concur with the report of the committee."
Vote : The motion was seconded by Dr. Irving and passed unanimously.
Following the report of committee chairmen, The Chairman announced that
Dr. G. E. MacGinitie would take over as Scientific Director of the ARL upon the
expiration of Dr. Irving's appointment on 30 June 1949.
The Chairman stated that he had been requested to raise the question of hous-
ing and construction. There have been complaints about the adequacy of the
present BOQ, principally because of lack of privacy.
Members of the Board expressed the opinion that scientific workers have a
real need for privacy in their quarters, but Dr. Shelesnyak pointed out that
the facilities of Barrow are those of an advanced exploratory camp and not a
community. He stated that BuDocks and DNPR feel it would be desirable to
establish good living quarters but there is a temporary aspect to the entire pro-
gram of NPR. There are legal as well as financial limitations on the amount of
housing that may be constructed. The cordial relation of the ARL and Arctic
Contractors must be maintained. The long range position is jeopardized by
making special demands in housing. Housing occupied by ARL personnel is
identical with that of employees of Arctic Contractors in comparable positions.
A request for special housing was made by Dr. Irving through channels and
was forwarded without approval at each endorsement. An attempt is being
made to recruit more married couples. Two additional MOQs are to be con-
structed. A shop is to connect Buildings #250 and #251.
The Chairman said that as long as the matter of housing is a subject of dis-
cussion among the working personnel, it is up to the Board to note the fact and
to move toward recommending remedial measures for the situation. It is in-
cumbent upon the Board to push the need for improved quarters just as far as
it is expedient.
Dr. Graf felt that trying to make a special elite corps of the researchers would
result eventually in a loss to the laboratory-
Dr. Irving said that he wished to emphasize there was no suggestion that there
has been any discrimination against the laboratory personnel in the matter
of quarters. He added when the proposals for better quarters were returned
marked with disapproval, Dr. Shelesnyak wrote to the Chief of Naval Research
requesting consideration. The CNR answered that the matter should be referred
to the Board.
The Chairman said the Board would write to the CNR advising him of the
opinion of the Board.
Dr. Shelesnyak made a statement to the Board regarding the role of ONR in
arctic research. He said that from the earliest days of ONR it has been the
conviction of many in that office that the only method by which the vitality of
a government agency engaged in research administration by contractual rela-
tions with universities may be maintained is for that organization to sustain
a continuing influx of new professional personnel with an opportunity for those
associated with the ONR to return to academic centers. In Navy parlance, we
speak of the need for "sea duty" in order to keep able officers abreast of develop-
ments and better qualify personnel. To this end ONR has been attempting to
induce qualified scientists to join the staff of ONR on a lea ve-from-uni versify
basis and afford opportunity for others at ONR to re-associate themselves with
universities and laboratories outside of the government.
68970 — 50 — pt. 2 9
1612 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
This original conviction has with time become increasingly firm and within
the past several months planning has been under way for the association of Dr.
John Field with ONR in the billet now occupied by Dr. Shelesnyak. Dr. Sheles-
nyak in turn is to be associated with a nongovernmental group. The Board
of governors of the Arctic Institute of North America feels it propitious to
establish a Washington-Baltimore office to be primarily concerned with arctic
research. The office will be housed on the campus of Johns Hopkins Univer-
sity and will be associated with that university. Dr. Shelesnyak has been in-
vited to be Director of that office and is planning to join the group on or about
1 September 1949.
Dr. Shelesnyak said that he felt the change in geographic location would
be a step toward the achievement of the goal of stimulating nurturing and
encouraging arctic research. The furtherance of this program demands the
cultivation of a university center with strong academic and professional guid-
ance. Such a center must, of course, work closely and constantly with the
federal agencies interested in research in the north regions. Without such
close collaboration it is certain that neither the university center nor the federal
agencies can achieve fullest effectiveness. Dr. Shelesnyak added that it was
his hope and definite intention to continue in as close a relationship as possible
with the research and activity of ARL and other research in the arctic, and
that he would be most unhappy if continuing demands were not made on his
time and energy for such counsel as he might be able to give in reference to
the ARL at Barrow specifically, and arctic problems of the Navy in general.
Dr. Washburn stated that lie would like to express the continuing interest
of the Arctic Institute of North America in the Arctic Research Laboratory.
Mr. Rowley expressed his appreciation at being invited to the meeting and
added that he had learned quite a lot as a result of the trip.
Prof. Lattimore said that Johns Hopkins University feels very much that it
hopes to be in the fore-front of those institutions which have been stimulated
by the Office of Naval Research and that if the contract between the university
and that office is activated, the university will he on its toes because of what
has been said at the meeting, because of the stimulus of Dr. Irving's leadership
at ARL, and because of the AINA establishing its Baltimore-Washington quarters
with the university.
The meeting adjourned at 11 : 50 p. m.
Exhibit No. 70
AN ANALYSIS OF MR. ALFRED E. KOHLBERGS CHARGES AGAINST
THE INSTITUTE OF PACIFIC RELATIONS
(American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1 East 54th Street, New York
22, N. Y.)
FOREWORD
The following pages contain a somewhat detailed analysis, made early in
1945, of an 88-page photostatic document prepared and widely circulated by
Alfred Kohlberg in November 19-14 which purports to show that the publications
of the American and Pacific Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations follow
the Communist Party ""line." In a court action brought by Mr. Kohlberg to
compel the American Council to make available to him the names and addresses
of its members, so that he might circulate this and other documents, he further
chai-ged the staff writers of the IPR with being "unpatriotic, biased, uninformed,
and incompetent."
While a superficial examination of Mr. Kohlberg's document reveals it to
be unscholarly and unscientific in its approach, the Executive Committee of
the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations felt that a careful
analysis of his charges should he prepared out of justice to the members and
friends who might be disturbed by an attack on the IPR's integrity. Although
this was prepared in February 11)4.1. it was not widely circulated at the time
because (a) it was a long document and might unduly burden the Trustees
and members at the expense of more important matters on the IPR program
agenda and (b) the officers of the Council did not desire at that time to broad-
cast voluminous documents about Mr. Kohlberg and incur the heavy expense
involved.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1613
Inasmuch as Mr. Kohlberg has thus far fell unable to accept any of the
IPR's efforts to moot his wishes hut apparently is determined to continue court
action, it has seemed wise to send this lengthy analysis to the Board and to
those members who wish it so that they might have the background in the event
of Court action leading to wholesome and unwholesome press publicity.
The manner in which materials have been selected from IPR publications to
buttress these accusations indicates little understanding of the aims and methods
of scholarship as exemplified by the publications program of the IPR. The
Institute, as a:i international, nonprofit, educational organization, does not
express opinions on public affairs; and it has consistently adhered to "the
principles of complete freedom of scientific inquiry, broad hospitality to all
points of view hut subservience to none." The analysis in the following pages
shows that principles of objectivity and fairness in the presentation of contro-
versial materials have been faithfully observed. The alleged parallel between
statements in IPR publications and the Communist "line" breaks down com-
pletely when the IPR publications of each period are viewed as a whole. While
it is natural that over a period of years a critic should be able to rind selections
which thoroughly parallel Communist views on some issues, there is also much
material that is highly critical of the Communist position. The same could be
said of reputable newspapers like the New York Times or the Christian Science
Monitor.
The small proportion of IPR publications which Mr. Kohlberg finds suitable
for quotation is perhaps the best indication of the weakness of his case. His
charges are based on selections from 33 articles and hook reviews, 3 pamphlets,
and one book, covering a seven-year period in which the organization published
1,961 articles and book reviews and 384 books and pamphlets. Fragmentary
excerpt from these articles and pamphlets are quoted in the SS-page document
on which he has hased his court case. These appear out of context and without
explanation. In the following pages these same excerpts are shown in context
and. where, as in some cases, they appeared as part of a symposium in which
opposing viewpoints were presented, that fact is set forth. Attention is also called
to many articles in IPR publications and to other quotations from the very
articles cited by Mr. Kohlberg, which express views directly opposite to those
which he seeks to attribute to the Institute. The fact is also brought out that
several of the publications criticized by Mr. Kohlberg, notably ^Yartime China,
were highly praised by Government officials and extensively used in Army and
Navy orientation courses. As a matter of fact, so useful were the publications
of the Institute to the war effort that the American Council was awarded the
Navy E in 1945.
Further evidence of the reckless nature of Mr. Kohlberg's charges is found
in his attempt to impugn the integrity, competence, and patriotism of the IPR
staff writers. In his petition for court action against the IPR he declares that
many IPR staff .writers had an extensive background of Communist activity
and that their articles presented untrue, false, and misleading facts. No evidence
is presented to support the charge of Communist activity because none exists.
Further proof of the irresponsibility of this charge is shown by the fact that
Mr. Kohlberg obviously has never taken the trouble to find out who the staff
members of the American Council are. Of a total of 25 authors and contributors
to IPR publications cited in his document, the following pages show that 13 had
never been on the staff of the IPR and only four were on the staff at the time
of his charges. Of these, only one was employed by the American Council.
Among the distinguished authors not on the staff of the IPR whose writings
were cited as incompetent or subversive by Mr. Kohlberg were : Nathan M.
Becker, formerly professor of economics at a midwestern university ; Brig. Gen.
Evans Carlson, leader of the famous Carlson's Raiders ; Tyler Dennett, former
president of Williams College ; Foster Rhea Dulles, professor at Ohio State
University: Edgar Snow, associate editor of the Saturday Evening Post; Owen
Lattimore, formerly political adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, Deputy Director for the
Far East, Office of War Information, and Director of the Walter Hines Page
School of International Relations of Johns Hopkins University ; and George E.
Taylor, head of the Far East Department of the University of Washington who,
during the war, was Deputy Director for the Far East, Office of War Information,
and until recently was connected with the State Department.
Of the four persons on the IPR staff whose work was criticized by Mr. Kohlberg,
two — T. A. Bisson of the International Secretariat and Miriam Farley of the
American Council staff — now hold responsible positions on General MacArthur's
staff.
1614 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Another interesting sidelight on Mr. Kohlberg's criticism of the handling of
China by Pacific Affairs in the period before Pearl Harbor may be found in the
fact that the magazine was edited at that time by Owen Lattimore, noted Far
Eastern expert. If Mr. Lattimore was as unfair to China as alleged by Mr.
Kohlberg, he scarcely would have been called directly from this post to become
confidential adviser of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek upon the recommendation
of the President of the United States. As a matter of fact, Mr. Lattimore's ap-
pointment was hailed by T. V. Soong, the present Premier of China, as "a major
token of increasing understanding between China and the United States."
Further evidence of the general competence of the Institute in handling
controversial issues with respect to China is demonstrated by the harmonious
cooperation between the China Council of the IPR and the Pacific and American
Councils. The Chinese delegation to the Hot Springs Conference of the IPR in
January 1945 contained many of the country's leading educators and political
figures, and a notable Chinese delegation headed by former Ambassador Hu Shih
cooperated with the Americans on the most friendly terms in the subsequent
meeting of the Pacific Council at Atlantic City later that year.
The first twenty pages of the analysis which follows document in detail these
and other facts which demonstrate the irresponsibility and inaccuracy of Mr.
Kohlberg's charges.
The rest is devoted to a detailed review of the publications from which por-
tions are quoted out of context in his S8-page document. In an effort to reconcile
the fact that IPR materials include various points of view, particularly on
controversial issues, he adopts the strange device of dividing the years from
1937 to 1944 into four periods during which he endeavors to prove that Institute
publications indulged in "severe criticism of the Chinese Government, alternat-
ing with praise, closely following the alterations of the Soviet Union's foreign
policy and that of the Communist press."
Needless to say, this claim collapses under careful scrutiny as shown from
pages 21-52, which follow. Even a hasty review of the books and magazine
articles published by the IPR, if read in toto and not out of context, reveals
the absurd inaccuracy erf such a charge.
In selecting materials for publication, the organization is guided by various
considerations, including the scholarly merit of the material, the importance of
the subject, and its public interest. So far as is humanly possible, it endeavors
to assure the accuracy of all facts appearing in its publications. Most of its
books and pamphlets are sent out in manuscript form to a number of competent
critics. It does not attempt to impose censorship on opinions, neither does it
solicit manuscripts exclusively from persons of a single viewpoint. On the con-
trary, believing that truth is arrived at only in an atmosphere of free discus-
sion, it aims to present information reflecting different and often conflicting
opinions.
It is hoped that anyone who is inclined to give credence to Mr. Kohlberg's
accusations will take the time to study the following pages and read the recent
biennial report of the American Council. Windows on the Pacific, before passing
final judgment on his charges.
September 1946.
a. introduction
On February 1?.. 1945, Alfred Kohlberg, Inc., through its president, Alfred
E. Kohlberg, submitted a petition before the Supreme Court of New York County,
requesting a judgment (1) enjoining the American Council of the Institute of
Pacific Relations from holding its regular animal membership meeting scheduled
for February 20, 1945, and (2) compelling it to make available to Alfred Kohl-
berg, Inc., the names and addresses of its members.1
The petitioner based his reasons for this demand on the charge that many
of the publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations were —
prepared by staff writers employed by tbe American Council, which writers
bail an extensive background of Communist activity, and which staff writers
in said articles presented inaccurate, untrue, false, and misleading facts,
opinions,* and conclusions which, in effect, constituted effective Communist
propaganda and which, being published and circulated during the course
of the war between the United States of America and the Government of
Japan, has given aid and comfort to the enemy by tending to create dissen-
1 The ITU won the case on May 8, Mr. Kohlherg has appealed it, however.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1615
sion and disunity among the Chinese people and between the Chinese Na-
tion and the United States Government who are allied in the war effort
against Japan.''
The petitioner further charged the staff writers Of the American and Pacific
Councils of the Institute with being "unpatriotic, biased, uninformed, and in-
competent."
As evidence for (his thesis, the petitioner cited an 88-page document, circulated
on November !>. in hi. by its president, Alfred Kohlberg. Of this document, 34
pages list excerpts from Institute publications, taken out of context, and 41
pages of it are devoted to ((notations from Communist and left-wing publica-
tions, which, it is alleged "follow the same line."
Instead of sending this document to the Secretary or officer's of the American
Council, it was mailed, together with an accompanying letter, to the trustees
and certain large contributors of the American Council and to four or five score
of other people whose names Mr. Kohlberg has declined to divulge. Although
the accompanying letter was addressed to Mr. E. C. Carter, the Secretary-General
of tin1 Institute, it ami the document were mailed to the foregoing without prior
notice to. or consultation with, Mr. Carter.
After an exhaustive study of the articles cited in this document, and of many
other books, pamphlets, and articles published by the Institute during the seven-
year period in question, the Executive Committee of the Board of Trustees of
the American Council of the Institute believes that Mr. Kohlberg's charges are
invalid. Here are a few statements from other individuals and their opinion
of the work of the Institute of Pacific Relations.
Statements About the Work akd Program of the IPR
Sumner Welles — Formery Under Secretary of State:
" :: * I am glad to say that in the opinion of the officers of the Depart-
partment of State who are especially familiar with the activities of the
Institute of Pacific Relations, the publications of this Institute have been
of interest and value. The Institute has been making a substantial contribu-
tion to the development of an informed public opinion."
Herman Beukema — Colonel, U. S. A., The United States Military Academy,
West Point, N. Y. :
<•* * * i am convinced that no other civilian research organization
in the country presents as wide, thorough, and up-to-date coverage of the
Far Eastern field as that of the Institute of Pacific Relations."
Eugene Staley — School of Advanced International Studies, Washington, D. C :
"The American Council of the IPR has made the most important con-
tribution of any organization to the knowledge and understanding in this
country of Far Eastern affairs. I can testify from personal experience to
the great value of its background publications to Government Agencies
when they were suddenly faced with the war emergency against Japan,
and of their present value to agencies planning Relief."
Raymond Swing — Radio Commentator, Washington, D. C. :
"The research work of the IPR has for years been acknowledged as an
invaluable source of information by men in and out of our Government and
other Governments on the Far East ; and an attack upon it should be incon-
ceivable. The charges you mention against the IPR (i. e., by Alfred E.
Kohlberg) would in effect indict official American policy to aid in the promo-
tion of unified China. It is so irrational as to be incredible and ludicrous."
James L. McConaughy— President, United China Relief:
"I have examined Mr. Kohlberg's charges against the American Council,
Institute of Pacific Relations, and do not believe they are valid. On my
recent trip to China, I found no evidence of any feeling that the American
Council was pro-Japanese or pro-Communist. I believe the publications are
scholarly and objective. I believe Mr. Kohlberg's efforts, if successful,
will harm American friendship for China, and American efforts for inter-
national peace."
Edward R. Embree — President, Julius Rosenwald Fund, Chicago, Illinois :
"The charges are absurd and sound as if they were motivated by a de-
sire to cause dissension among the United Nations. The Institute is devoted
to fact finding in conferences and publications and not to propaganda. The
1616 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
officers and members of the American Council are loyal Americans deter-
mined on the destruction of Japanese aggression and the creation of world
peace and order under the United Nations."
W. W. Waymack — Editor and vice president, The Des Moines Register and
Tribune, Des Moines, Iowa :
"It is obviously possible, very readily possible, for a person to approach
the broad and diverse activity of the IPR in research, in publication, and in
conferences, with the determination to pick out every expression that re-
sembled some other expression by a Communist, and argue that the IPR
was Communist. It would be equally possible for any person to set out in
the same way to bolster his already fixed notion that the IPR is pro-Japa-
nese, and in the same sense do it. Alternatively, it would be, I am sure,
quite as easy to apply the same methods and come out with the same sort
of "proof" that the IPR is anti-Communist or anti-Japanese or, indeed, pro
or anti nearly anything you might propose."
Galen Fisher — Former YMCA Secretary in Japan ; now retired, San Fran-
cisco, California :
"* * * I believe the Institute Staff and Board have been usually ob-
jective and thorough and have given the utmost aid to the war effort."
Huntington Gilchrist — American Cyanamid Co., New York, N. Y. :
"The Institute of Pacific Relations has rendered distinguished service for
many years as a private research organization. The officials of our own
State Department, and of Canadian, British, Chinese, and other governments
attended the recent Hot Springs Conference. The Institute should be proud
to stand on its record."
It is the further opinion- of the Executive Committee that Mr. Kohlberg's charges
are based upon evidence that is biased and insufficient.
1. The document of November 9 covers only a fraction of the material published
by the Institute during the seren-year period in question — less than 2 percent of
the articles which appeared in its periodicals, and 0.002 percent of its books. —
It bases its conclusions on about 33 articles and book reviews, 3 pamphlets, and
1 book, during a period when the publications of the organization totaled 1,961
articles and book reviews, and 384 books and pamphlets.
2. Air. Kohlberg charges that the staff employed by the IPR is pro-Japanese and
"unpatriotic." — It is interesting to note, however, that the Japanese Government
does not share this opinion. A Japanese Government spokesman, broadcasting
from Shanghai on February 20, 1945, said :
"The Institute of Pacific Relations, which, in prewar days proved itself to be
strongly anti-Japanese, is professedly an organization to serve as a clearing
house of international information on economic, political, social, and cultural
affairs."
The attitude of the IPR toward Japan was clearly stated in the following state-
ment, made on December 17, 1941. by Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbur, President of Stan-
ford University, and at that time, chairman of the American Council of the
Institute :
"* * * rp|ie ;mmediate j0fo 0f the American people is the prosecution of war
against the military imperialism of Japan and the other Axis powers, whose
defeat is the condition of any peaceful adjustment in the Far East and elsewhere.
The tradition of the IPR does not permit 'neutrality' on this issue: on the con-
trary, military aagression, in complete disregard of the rights of other peoples,
contradicts everything the IPR has stood for."
Mr. Kohlberg also states that hi* study of IPR publications revealed "no
criticism of Japan in these seven years, except of her rural land system." — There
are numerous statements critical of Japan's policy, in IPR publications. One
example is the pamphlet, Know Your Enemy Japan of which nearly 200,000 copies
have been sold, and which is widely used by the Army and Navy. This pamphlet
includes such paragraphs as the- following:
"Japan is a dictatorship without a dictator. She has no Hitler, but dictatorial
powers are exercised by a ruling clique dominated by the Army. Like the Nazis,
Japan's dictators have but one object: oppression of their own people and
despoilment of their neighbors. * * *"
"The real ambitions of Japan's militarists are accurately described in the
words of the 'Tanaka Memorial' of 1927 :
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1617
"'With all the resources of China at our disposal, we shall proceed to the
conquest of India, the Archipelago, Asia Minor, Central Asia, and even Eu-
rope. * * * In order to conquer the world, we must first fight China * * *.
Rut if we want the gainful control of China in the future, we must shatter the
United States' " (pages 17 and 10, Know Your Enemy Japan).
A study of editorials and broadcasts hased on articles from IPR publications
makes it dear that columnists and commentators have not had the same difficulty
in finding material critical of Japan.
Samuel Grafton — Radio Commentator and Columnist, New York Post, January
29, 1941 :
"The Far Eastern Survey for January 29 tells how Japan has recently
stopped publishing vital statistics, that her people may not read in black and
white the story of their death."
New York World Telegram — Editorial — April 14, 1943 :
"Whether or not one agrees with the recent report of the Institute of
Pacific Relations that 'Japan is our No. 1 enemy,' most Americans probably
share the Australian fear that it would be 'suicidal' to give Japan time to
consolidate her gains in strategic materials and bases."
3. A natural problem for those engaged in evaluating Mr. Kohlberg's charges,
is the question of his qualifications for passing judgment on the research findings
of dozens of authorities. — Mr. Kohlberg has released public statements on China
which would indicate that his factual information on that country is inadequate.
On his return from his last trip to China, for example, he reported on The Fighting
Condition of the Chinese Army. This report was released by the East and West
Association on February 7th, 1944. In describing his contacts with Army men
at forward headquarters, Mr. Kohlberg says :
"One morning I had breakfast with Lt. Gen. Chang Teh Nun, Commander of
the Fourth Army (known as the Ironside Army) at his headquarters in Changsha.
Gen. Chang is typical of the new spirit and the new leadership in the Chinese
Army."
Tlie New York Times of Monday, August 28, 1944, however, contained the fol-
lowing short release:
"Chinese Execute General for Changsha Dereliction : Chungking, China, Mon-
day, Aug. 28. — It was announced officially today that Gen. Chang Teh-neng,
commander of China's Fourth Army, was executed August 25 for dereliction of
duty during the defense of Changsha."
Furthermore, according to Mr. Kohlberg's own document of Nov. 9 (p. 45),
he was reported in the New York Times of November 25, 1938, as stating that
"according to information given by sources within the Chinese Government"
Soviet aid to China was to end. The full quote follows :
"Au agreement giving a free hand to Japan in China has been reached by
Russia, Japan, and Germany, according to information given by sources within
the Chinese Government to Alfred Kohlberg, president of the Art Embroidery
Linen Importers Association. He returned yesterday from a seven weeks' tour
of Chinese territory on both sides of the battle lines there.
"Mr. Kohlberg's understanding was that during the summer, Russia, Japan,
and Germany had arrived at an agreement by which Russia either joined the
German-Japanese alliance, or, if she did not go so far, made peace with Japan and
-Germany. The arrangement, he understands, calls for cooperation with Russia
by Japan and Germany rather than antagonism, and provides for withdrawal
of Russian support of Chinese forces."
As a matter of fact, however, further commercial agreements were signed
between representatives of the Soviet and Chinese governments in 1939 and
1940 : in addition four barter agreements were reached. In his study Far Eastern
War, 1937-1941. published by World Peace Foundation, Boston, 1942, Professor
Harold S. Quigley (University of Minnesota) states:
"The Soviet Union and New Zealand were the only members of the League
Council to urge strong measures against Japan in 1938. Mr. Litvinov criticized
the Council's report [of September 30, 1938], which stated that sanctions under
Article 16 of the Covenant were left to the discretion of individual members of
the League. 'My Government,' he said, 'would be happy to take coordinated
measures but since other governments will not do so my Government is com-
pelled to accept the report.' Again, in May 1939, Ivan Maisky stated to the
Council, after the British and French representatives had declined to support
Chinese proposals of economic sanctions, that 'I would like to support the pro-
1618 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
posals put forward by the Chinese representative * * * China is the victim
of brutal and unprovoked aggression and she is fighting hard and heroically for
her independence * * * '
"The commercial accord signed by Sun Fo and A. I. Mikoyan in Moscow on
June 16, 1939, provided for the exchange of Chinese raw materials for military
supplies. A second agreement was signed in July 1940. Preceding and paral-
leling these broader conventions were four barter agreements, the first in Oc-
tober 1938 (2.r)0,000,000 rubles or approximately U. S. $50,000,000), the second
in February 1939 (U. S. $50,000,000), the third in August 1939 (U. S. $150,000,-
000), and the fourth in December 1940 (U. S. $50,000,000), a total of U. S. $300,-
000,000. Tungsten, antimony, tea, and wool were the principal Chinese products
desired by the U. S. S. R. In return China received planes, trucks, tanks, guns,
and bombs, transported along the Turkestan-Shensi and Vladivostok-Urga-Ningh-
sia land routes or by sea via Hanoi and Rangoon.
"The rapprochement of the Soviet Union and Japan, culminating in the Neu-
trality Pact of April 13, 1941, appeared to undermine this program of assist-
ance ' * * * . The Soviet Government, however, was not moved from its
policy of friendship and assistance to China. It assured the latter of its desire
to implement the barter agreements and gave proof of its attitude by sending
munitions, planes, and pilots" (pp. 256-58).
If. Mr. Kohlbcrg's charges and his document reval that he has little understand-
ing of the, aims and objectives of a scholarly organization like the IPR, which
map be described as follows: The Institute of Pacific Relations, Inc., is a non-
partisan, nonprofit, international organization engaged in research and educa-
tional activities. It was founded in 1925 for the purpose of promoting scientific
investigation and rational discussion of the problems and mutual relations of
the peoples of the Pacific area, and is composed of National Councils in ten
countries with interests in Asia and the Pacific area. The American Council is
the IPR affiliate in the United States.
The Institute, governed by a Pacific Council, made up of representatives of
the various National Councils, does not engage in propaganda. It is contrary
to its policy to express opinions on public affairs, and a statement to that effect
is carried in most of its publications. The Institute does not, however, seek to
escape responsibility for the scholarly standards maintained in its publications,
nor for the selection of material which is published. Its policy in this regard has
been publicly stated as adhering to "the principles of complete freedom of
scientific inquiry, broad hospitality to all points of view but subservience to none."
In selecting materials for publication, whether articles, pamphlets, or books,
the Institute is guided by various considerations, including the scholarly merit
of the material, the importance of the subject, and its public interest. So far
as humanly possible, it endeavors to assure the accuracy of all factual statements
appearing in its publications ; and most of its books and pamphlets are sent out
to a number of competent critics — professors, State Department people, etc. —
before publication. It does not attempt to impose a censorship on opinions, nor
does it solicit manuscripts exclusively from persons who share a single view-
point. On the contrary, believing that truth is arrived at only in an atmosphere
of free discussion, it aims to present materials reflecting different and often
conflicting viewpoints.
Each issue of The Far Eastern Surrey, published by the American Council of
the Institute contains the following statement :
The American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations does not express
opinions on public affairs. Responsibility lor statements of fact or opinion
appearing in the Far Eastern Surrey rests solely with the author.
The Institute does not feel it necessary to apologize for the fact that certain
materials which it has published are critical of conditions in China. It has, on
occasion, published materials criticizing not only the policies of China, but those
of Great P.rilain, Russia, and other Allied nations including the United States.
This it believes to be an integral part of the principle of freedom of scientific
inquiry. The same right of criticism has been freely exercised by other American
institutions, including the press, publishers' and research organizations.
The publications of the Institute have not shown any special bias against
China, as is shown by the fact thai (a) many criticisms of countries other than
China have appeared in IPR publications, and (b) that Institute publications
on China have included not only criticisms but also, as admitted by Mr. Kohl-
berg, praise of China and support for China.
There are, of course, occasional similarities in subject material between
articles published by the Institute and those appearing in the Communist press.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1619
But this docs not constitute proof thai the Institue is biased in favor of commu-
nism or that it is disseminating Communisl propaganda. Equal similarity ran be
found in the subjects covered by the IPR and the New York Times, Life, or The
Christian Science Monitor.
5. In his petition to the court, Mr. Kohlberg states that his study of IPR
publications revealed that many were "prepared by staff writers employed by the
American Council, which writers had an extensive background of Communist
activity, and whicb staff writers in said articles presented inaccurate, untrue,
false, and misleading facts, opinions, and conclusions * * *." He declares
that "* * * the refusal of the Executive Committee * * * to seriously
consider the said charges * * * constitutes gross mismanagement * *
and tends to give comfort and aid to the enemy of the United States, namely, the
Japanese Government during time of war, by enabling unpatriotic, biased, unin-
formed, and incompetent staff writers of tbe American Council and Pacific
Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations to continue writings which consti-
tute Communist propaganda, causing disunity, dissension, and misunderstanding,
both within the Chinese Government and among its peoples, and between the
Chinese Government and the American Government which are allied in the war
effort against the .Japanese Government."
Elsewhere in this report we shall give detailed attention to the material he has
quoted, and the facts and points of view expressed therein. In this section we
are interested specifically in the reference made above to "unpatriotic, biased,
uninformed, and incompetent staff writers * * *." These statements impugn
the integrity, competence, and patriotism of our staff and our contributors. A
few facts are presented below — it is our belief that the record speaks for itself.
In his selection of material Mr. Kohlberg quotes a total of 25 authors and
contributors. Of these 14 have never been employed on the staff of the IPR,
although they may have contributed to its publications or engaged in specific
studies for the IPR on Far Eastern subjects. An additional 7, although formerly
employed, are not now on the staff. Only 4 of the 25 quoted by Mr. Kohlberg
are now on the staff, and only one of these is working for the American Council.
It is of interest to glance briefly at the record and background of each of the
persons quoted in Mr. Kohlberg' s charges.
The following authors, cited by Mr. Kohlberg, are not now and have never
been, entployed on the staff of the IPR, although they have contributed to its
publications or special studies:
Nathan M. Becker: Formerly Professor of Economics at a midwestern Uni-
versity.
Col. Evans F. Carlson : A Marine officer who has given a lifetime of service to
his country- Hero of many engagements ; leader of the famed Carlson's
Raiders in the Solomon Islands campaign. Spent a year studying the Chinese
Army and the tactics of the guerillas. Author : The Chinese Army, Twin Stars
of China.
Tyler Dennett: In China several times. Former historical adviser, Department
of State ; former president of Williams College. Author : Americans in Eastern
Asia, Biography of John Hay (Pulitzer Prize).
Foster Rhea Dulles : Formerly a correspondent in China ; formerly on staff of
Christian Science Monitor, New York Post, New York Herald Tribune ; formerly
Professor of History at Smith. Swarthmore. Now a professor at Ohio State
University. Author: Forty Years of American-Japanese Relations. Behind the
Open Door.
Haldore Hanson : Formerly correspondent in Peking ; at present in the Depart-
ment of State. Author: The People Behind the Chinese GuerriUas.
Olga Lang : Spent some years in China. Author, forthcoming book to be pub-
lished by the IPR The Chinese Family.
Martin R. Norins: Formerly in Department of History, University of Cali-
fornia. Author: Gateway to Asia, Sinkiang.
Edgar Snow : Former China correspondent, New York Sun, London Daily Herald,
Saturday Evening Post. Lecturer at Yenching Universitv, Peiping. Covered
the Sino-.Iapanese war 1931-33 and 1937-41. Author : Red Star Over China,
The Battle for Asia, People on Our Side.
Guenther Stein: For many years China correspondent for various newspapers
including Christian Science Monitor. Formerly editor of China Airmail.
Author : Made in Japan.
Maxwell S. Stewart : Six years in China ; 4 years teaching Yenching University,
Peking; formerly Research Economist, Foreign Policy Assn.; now Editor,
Public Affairs pamphlets, Associate Editor, Nation. Author : Case for China,
1620 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Social Security, Building the Peace at Home and Abroad, America in a World
at War, Wartime China. _ ,, „
Anna Louse Strong: In China several times. Author: I Change Worlds, One-
Filth of Mankind. My Native Land.
Lt George Uhlmaxn : Enlisted in French Navy at outbreak of war ; after tall
of France returned to Peiping where he had lived for many years and served
with French Consular Service, joining Fighting French forces in Chungking
Nym Walks (Mrs. Edgar Snow) : Lived and traveled in China and the Par Last
from 1931-40. Author: The Chinese Labor Movement, China Builds for
Democracy. ,, ._ ,. . ,T„ ..
Wei Meng-Pxj- Formerly Professor of Political Science at the ISational Ivorth-
western University, Mukden ; at the same time the article cited by Mr. Kohl-
berg was contributed the author was making a study tour in the interior prov-
inces of China. „ .
The following authors quoted by Mr. Kohlberg are not now on the stall, but
were formerly employed by the IPR.
Robert Barnett : Rockefeller Fellow, IPR, 1939^10 ; visited China, returned to
work on IPR staff in 1941. Worked for United States Government Office of
Strategic Services. At present in China with U. S. Army Air Forces. Author:
Economic Shanghai — Hostage to Politics 1937-J/l.
Dorothy Borg: Research Associate, American Council, IPR, 1938-42. Wrote
articles for Far Eastern Survey, and directed school program of the American
Council. „ ,
Frederick V. Field : On staff of irR from 1928-40. Assistant Secretary, Ameri-
can Council, 1928. Traveled in Far East, China, Japan, and Philippines 1928-
30; China, 1931; Honolulu IPR, 1932; London 1933. Secretary, American
Council, 1934-10, Member Executive Committee and Board of Trustees of
IPR, 1940. Executive Vice Chairman, Council for Pan-American Democracy.
Author: American Participation in the China Consortiums; Editor: Economic
Handbook of the Pacific Area; General Editor : Economic Survey of the Pacific
Area; Contributor to New Masses and Daily Worker.
Michael Greenberg : On IPR staff 1! M 1-42. At present with United States Gov-
ernment Foreign Economic Administration.
Owen Lattimore: Worked and traveled in the Far East, 1920-26; on a grant
from Social Science Research Council, Manchuria, 1929-30 : in Peiping under
Harvard-Yenching Institute and Guggenheim Foundation, 1930-33; Mongolia,
research in Peiping for IPR, 1934-35 ; Editor, Pacific Affairs, 1934-41 ; Political
Adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, 1941-42 ; Deputy Director for the Far East, Office
of War Information, 1942-44. At present consultant OWI, and director, Wal-
ter Hines Page School of International Relations of Johns Hopkins University.
Author: Inner Asian Frontiers of China, Manchuria, Cradle of Conflict, Mon-
gol Journey, Solution in Asia.
Harriet Moore : On IPR staff 1032-33 ; 1935-36. Assistant Secretary American
Council, IPR, 1943; Acting Secretary, 1943-44; member Research Committee,
IPR ; Secretary American-Russian Institute. Author : A Record of Soviet
Far Eastern Relations.
George Taylor : Taught 3 years at Nanking University, China, and 2 years at
Yenching University, Rockefeller Fellow, American Council of IPR, 1940-41.
Head of Far Eastern Department, University of Washington, Seattle (on
leave). At present Deputy Director for the Far East, Office of War Informa-
tion (1942-). Author: The Struggle for North China, America in the New
Pacific.
The persons listed below are the only ones of the 25 quoted by Mr. Kohlberg
who are on the staff of the IPR at the present time :
Edward C. Carter: Secretary of the American Council, 1927-33: Secretary-
General of the Pacific Council, 1934-. Editor: China and Japan in our Uni-
versity Curricula.
T. A. Bisson : On the staff of the Pacific Council since 1943, formerly with the
Foreign Economic Administration, and for 12 years Far Eastern Expert of the
Foreign Policy Association. Author: American Policy in the Far East,
Shadow Over Asia. Japan in China.
Miriam S. Farley: On the stall' of the American Council, 1934-. Formerly
Chairman, Board of Editors, Far Eastern Survey; at present editor, popular
pamphlets series. Author : The Problem of Trade Expansion in the Postwar
Situation. Speaking of India.
Y. Y. Hsu : On the staff of the Pacific Council 1941-. Author: Chinese View of
Wartime Economic Difficulties.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1621
The references cited above are not in any sense a complete review of the posi-
tions held, the publications written, or the other qualifications of the authors
cited. A compilation of favorable critical comment on their published works
would undoubtedly make a substantial volume in itself. It may be of interest,
however, to cite two typical reviews — one from the New York Times, one from the
Herald Tribune, of books by two of the authors mentioned.
New York Times — February 21, 1945
Re: Solution in Asia, by Owen Lattimore:
"Owen Lattimore is one of the best qualified of all Americans now writing
on Oriental affairs * * * devotes the greater part of Solution in Asia
to a review of recent political history in Japan and China."
New York IIekald Tribune (Sunday Edition) — June 5, 1938
Re : Japan in China, by T. A. Bisson :
"Japan in china (by T. A. Bisson, 1938) is an extraordinary book. It
is beyond all doubt the soundest and most scholarly volume which has yet
appeared on the more immediate background and origins of the Sino-Japa-
nese conflict, and on its earlier phases. Nor is it likely that its position in
this field will soon be usurped. For until the archives are thrown open and
the memoirs of those who have been close to the seats of power during the
last five years are published, it is difficult to see how any historian could
surpass Mr. Bisson's work. It represents the quintessence of years of pains-
taking research, and of lengthy conversations, during 1937, with leader and
rank and file in China and Japan, by a first-class authority on Far Eastern
social and political developments."
Colonel Evans Carlson — American Journal of International Law — January
1941
Re: The Chinese Army, Its Organization and Military Efficiency:
"To the layman who has been confused by the rival claims of Japanese
and Chinese military prowess in the present Sino-Japanese war, and more
especially by the excessive claims of the partisans of China or Japan, of
Occidental race, this handbook of information by Major Carlson will be most
welcome * * *. In the concluding chapter the author gives much credit
for China's awakened consciousness to the just and kindly leadership of
Chiang Kai-shek, their military leader * * *."
New York Times — January 28, 1945
Re : China's Wartime Politics, by Lawrence K. Resinger :
"This is an absorbingly interesting and important monograph which in-
cludes fourteen documents of outstanding significance, particularly with
reference to Kuomintang-Communist aims and relations, with which half of
them deal. It is heartening to serious students (and it behooves Americans
to become serious students) of contemporary China that the author and his
patrons of the Institute of Pacific Relations should have seen fit, in a study so
limited in scope, bulk, and chronology, to have used and rendered accessible
so many fundamental source materials.
Clearly written, cooly objective, essentially sound as to facts, this essay
presents the highlights, with comparatively few contrasting shadows, of
the period touched upon. Never does Mr. Rosinger wax enthusiastic ; never
is he ironical or condemnatory, never does he guess, suggest, or imply, and
rarely does he attempt explanation or interpretation. Facts are facts, with-
out nuances."
Finally, reference might be made to the many qualified persons at present
carrying on the work of the IPR. and to those others who have left the IPR to
assume important and responsible positions with the United States Government.
The latter group includes :
Catherine Porter : On the staff of the IPR, 1942-44, formerly assistant editor of
Pacific Affairs, and chairman of the Board of Editors of the Far Eastern Sur-
vey. At present Regional Specialist on the Philippines for the Office of War
Information.
W. L. Holland : On the staff of IPR, 1929-45, formerly editor of Pacific Affairs,
and International Research Secretary of the Pacific Council ; on leave at
present as Assistant Chief, China Outpost, Chungking, Office of War Infor-
mation.
William W. Lockwood : On the staff of the IPR, 1935-42; Secretary of the
American Council, 1941-42. Office of Strategic Services (1942). At present
in China with the U. S. Army Air Corps.
1622 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Russel G. Shiman: On the staff of IPR. 1933-41. United States Tariff
Commission, 19.41-43; Interim Commission on Food and Agriculture, 1943-44;
UNRRA, 1944-45.
Philip E. Lilienthal : Pacific Council Staff 193S-42 ; in charge of International
Secretariat's Shanghai Publication Office, 1940-41 ; now with Office of War
Information, San Francisco.
Katrine R. C. Greene : American Council staff, 193S-42. At present with Ameri-
can Red Cross in North Africa.
Laura Mayer : Pacific Council staff, 1942-43 ; now with Red Cross in New Guinea.
Mary Healy : Pacific Council staff, 1942-43 ; now with Foreign Economic Admin-
istration in New Delhi, India.
Elizabeth Downing: Pacific Council, 193(5; Shanghai Publications Office, 1937-
38 ; American Council, 1941-43 ; at present with Office of War Information, New
York.
Barbara Wertheim Tuchman : American Council, 1934-36 ; at present with
Office of War Information.
Isabel Ward : Pacific Council, 1936 ; 1940-41 ; at present with OWI in San
Francisco.
6. The Kohlberg document attempts to prove that the IPR publications followed
a definite pattern with regard to China: i. e., that, prior to the Hitler-Stalin
pact of August 23, 1939, they praised China; from then till June 22, 191(1, they
abused China; from then till the summer of 194S, they praised China; and since
the summer of 1943, they have again concentrated on abuse of China. — This,
according to Mr. Kohlberg, represented shifts in the Communist Party line.
In order to prove his case, the author of the document has resorted to the
device of taking passages of articles out of context. Yet in a number of
instances, these same articles contain other paragraphs which, if similarly taken
out of context, could be used to prove the opposite. The IPR pamphlet, Wartime
China, is a good example of this.
The pamphlet sets out neither to '•praise'' China nor to "abuse" China, but
to present what, in the opinion of the author and many expert critics who read
it in manuscript form, is a balanced view supported by the best available evi-
dence. Mr. Kohlberg has taken from its pages quotations which indicate criti-
cism of China. However, as is demonstrated below, it is possible to select
numerous quotes indicating praise of the country and its leaders, which give
an entirely different picture. The fallacy of this method of selection is apparent,
and it illustrates the weakness of Mr. Kohlberg's assertions: Wartime China
states :
"We have been filled with admiration at the way in which the people of
China, in the face of almost incredible hardships and disappointments, have
stood up to the Japanese year after year without giving in * * *"
(page 6).
"From a military standpoint, the remarkable thing is that the Chinese
were able to maintain resistance in the face of great inferiority of arms
and supplies of all kinds. Comparatively little help has been obtained from
broad * * *" (page 10).
"Against this historical background, the degree of national unity that
has been achieved in China since 1937 under Chiang Kai-shek's leadership
is truly remarkable. Without it, the miracle of military resistance could
not have taken place * * *" (page 16).
"When measured against the handicaps which she has had to overcome,
China's war effort is truly impressive. Try to imagine that an enemy
power has occupied both sea coasts of the United States and most of the
country east of the Mississippi. The capital has been moved to Denver
and is flooded with refugees. Then take away nearly all of the factories,
railroads, highways, telephone and telegraph lines, electrical equipment,
coal, iron, and oil fields from the unoccupied area. Even so, we should be
better off than China for we should still have an abundance of skilled
labor and trained technicians and administrators. For the political picture,
go back to 1776 when our country consisted of thirteen "sovereign" states
with hardly any organized national government, and plenty of conservatives
who saw no sense in fighting for that new and unfamiliar idea, the 'United
States of America.' Keep up the enemy pressure for seven years with little
help from outside. That might give you a rough idea, in American terms,
of what China has been up against" (page 20).
"The fact that Chiang is President of the Republic Prime Minister and
Commander in Chief of the Army has led many people to think of him as
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1623
a dictator. This is hardly accurate. Although on paper his powers are
great, actually he serves as a sort of balance wheel, stabilizing the con-
flict ing forces of the various groups * * * " (page 42) .
"Most of all, perhaps, Americans can help China by trying to understand
the magnitude of the task which she faces in transforming an ancient
medieval society into a modern democratic nation. Only if we appreciate
her difficulties as well as her achievements can we deal fairly with China.
And we must remember that many of the difficulties which she faces today
and in years to come are the result of seven years of war in which China
fought our battle almost unaided" (page 63).
In his letter accompanying the November 9 document, Mr. Kohlberg termed
Wartime China as "from start to finish * * * a deliberate smear of China
and the Chinese Government." The above paragraphs would not bear this out,
however. Neither would such letters and reviews as the following:
Tyleu Dennet — April 6, 1944, former President of Williams College
Re Wartime China:
"Maxwell Stewart's booklet seems to cover very well the ground about
the internal conditions in China. Probably the Chinese will not like it but
it seems to me that be almost went out of his way to give all the extenuat-
ing circumstances and to qualify the criticisms. It's about the best booklet
I have seen out of the IPR."
Field Artillery Journal — August 1944
Re Wartime China:
Wartime China, by Maxwell S. Stewart. American Council, Institute of
Pacific Relations.
Behind the Open Door, by Foster Rhea Dulles. American Council, Institute
of Pacific Relations.
"Here we have two splendid additions to the illuminating series of
pamphlets produced by this publisher. The first describes the stresses and
strains behind the fighting lines in China. The second is a popularly written
history of Japanese aggression from Perry's time to Pearl Harbor. Like
the rest of the series, these booklets are written by specialists in their
fields and have been carefully checked by experts; their scholarship is
sound."
American Sociological Review — December 1944
Re Wartime China:
"This Institute of Pacific Relations pamphlet on China by the editor of
the widely circulated Public Affairs pamphlets gives an authoritative, bal-
anced discussion of the problems, resources, personalities, and confusions in
that much misunderstood land."
7. Mr. Kohlberg is much more sensitive to criticism, of China than many
Chinese. — Unlike Mr. Kohlberg, the China Institute of Pacific Relations is not
hostile to the work and publications of the IPR. One of the basic practices of the
IPR has been not only to provide for criticism but to welcome and stimulate it.
The research publications and monographs of the National Councils and of the
International Secretariat are submitted to a number of competent critics before
publication, and at the International Conferences of the IPR every effort is
made to stimulate the frank expression of every point of view.
This procedure is important because neither the Institute itself nor any of its
National Councils express an "institute" point of view on any political or
economic questions. Every article, pamphlet, book, or oral statement rests solely
on the authority of the individual author.
There have recently been vivid examples of this policy of frank criticism at the
January 1945 International Conference of the Institute at Hot Springs, Va.
There was frank and forceful criticism of statements of American members by
French, British, and Dutch members. There were Chinese criticisms of American
statements, and vice versa. There were Indian criticisms of British statements,
and vice versa. Many of these will be reflected in the preliminary report of the
Hot Springs Conference which will be published sometime in April 1945.
At the Atlantic City meeting of the Pacific Council of the IPR in January 1944
there were likewise British criticisms of some of the articles of members of the
International Secretariat. There were similarly American and Chinese criticisms
of the International Secretariat. On one occasion there were criticisms of the
International Secretariat because it was too "pro-Chinese," too "pro-American"
and too "pro-British."
At Hot Springs, one Chinese member criticized the International Secretariat
for the writings of some of its members on Chinese problems. This was countered
1624 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
by the Chairman of the China IPR, Dr. Chiang Mon-lin, former Minister of Edu-
cation in China, who said that he personally had no sympathy with such criticisms,
that the essence of the IPR was frank criticism and freedom of speech. He felt
that criticism of China both by Chinese and by foreigners was an asset and that
he welcomed the criticisms of people of whatever school of thought, who were
interested in the problems of China and China's relationship to other countries.
There is a wide difference between friendly criticism and hostility. If the
Chinese IPR were hostile to the parent organization, it could take one or both
of the following steps: (1) it could cease or reduce its financial support of the
International Secretariat. As a matter of fact in both 1943 and 1944 the China
IPR made a larger financial contribution to the International Secretariat than
any other of the ten National Councils with the single exception of the American
Council. (2) It could either withdraw from membership in the Pacific Council or
give notice that it was considering withdrawal. It has adopted neither course.
On the contrary, its cooperation has been substantial and important. It con-
tributed several data papers to the Hot Springs Conference. It is actively coop-
erating in the International Research Program. The services of its National
Secretary in Chungking have been loaned for a period of six months to the
International Secretariat in New York without cost to the International Sec-
retariat for traveling expenses or salary.
At very large expense the China IPR sent a truly representative group of
Chinese to the Hot Springs Conference (January 6-17, 1945). They include the
following :
CHINA'S DELEGATES TO HOT SPRINGS CONFERENCE OF THE IPR, JANUARY 1945
Chiang, Mon-Lin — Formerly Minister of Education ; Chancellor, National Peking
University. New, Member Executive Council, National Southwest Associated
University ; President, Chinese Red Cross, and Chairman, China Institute of
Pacific Relations. Chairman.
Chang, Carson — Member, Peoples' Political Council.
Chang, Chung-Fu (1936) — Director, Department of American Affairs, Ministry
of Foreign Affairs.
Chen, S. C. — Professor of Sociology, National Southwest Associated University,
Associate Director, Nankai Institute of Economics.
Chien, Tuan-Sheng (1939) — Professor of Political Science, National Southwest
Associated University ; Member, Peoples' Political Council.
Chow, S. R. (1939-1942)— Professor of International Law, National Wu-Han
University ; Member, Peoples' Political Council.
Hsia, Ching-Lin (1929, 1931, 1942) — Member, Legislative Yuan; Director,
Chinese News Service, New York. Address: Chinese News Service, 30 Rocke-
feller Plaza, New York 20, N. Y.
Hu, Shih (1931, 1933, 1936)— Formerly : Ambassador to the United States;
Dean, College of Literature, National Peking University ; Member, Peoples'
Political Council; and Chairman, China Institute of Pacific Relations. Now,
Visiting Professor, Harvard University.
Lee. Kan (1936, 1942) — Commercial Counsellor, Chinese Embassy, Washington,
D. C.
Li, Choh-Ming — Associate Director, Nankai Institute of Economics.
Liu, Yu-Wan (1933, 1936, 1939)— Executive Secretary, China Institute of Paci-
fic Relations.
Lowe, C. H. (1931, 1936)— Director, India Office, Ministry of Information.
Ning, Eng-Chexg (1929: 19.31)— Chief Auditor, The Farmers Bank of China;
Member, Peoples' Political Council.
Poe, Dimon Hsueh-Feng — Professor of Political Science, National Central Uni-
versity ; Counsellor, National Supreme Defense Council.
Shao, Yu-Ling — Secretary, National Military Council.
Wu, Wen-Tsao — Professor of Sociology, Yenching University ; Counsellor, Su-
preme National Defense Council.
Yang Yunchu — Director, Department of Eastern Asia Affairs, Ministry of For-
eign Affairs.
Yeh, George — Representative, Ministry of Information, London.
Yuan, T. L. — Librarian, National Library of Peking.
Chinese Secretariat
Cheng. Pao-Nan — Director, Mid-West Rureau, Chinese News Service, Chicago.
Mrs. Enid Chen (1942) — Chinese News Service, New York.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1625
Helen Nelson Kxglund — Director, International Relations Speakers Bureau,
Chicago, 111.
T. C. Hsu — Chinese News Service, New York.
Eleanor Stbynski — Chinese News Service, Chicago, 111.
Many of the foregoing flew from Chungking to the United States specially for
the Hot Springs Conference.
When in 1943 the Secretary-General and the International Research Secretary
visited China on behalf of the Pacific Council, they went at the invitation of the
China IPR and were given every facility for consultation with Chinese scholars,
publicists and high officials of the Chinese Government. They both have been
invited to visit China again as soon as possible.
B. ANALYSIS OF MR. KOHLBERG'S DOCUMENT
Section I. p. 49 (1987-August 23, 19S9)
On page 4 of his document, Mr. Kohlberg states that the IPR was not critical
of Chiang Kai-shek and the Kuomintang from the time of the agreement, early
in 1937, between the Kuomintang and the Communists, and August 1939, when
Germany and the Soviet Union made their nonaggression pact.
By this statement, Mr. Kohlberg implies that the IPR is following the
"•Communist line." However, a careful study of the issues of the Far Eastern
surrey of that period of 2% years reveals that in no instance did the Survey
make comparisons, invidious or otherwise, between the Chinese Communists
and the Kuomintang and did not praise the Chinese Communists. References
to Chinese Communists had no political coloring.
In that period there were three articles relating to Chinese guerrillas. One
was a half;page in length, one less than a page, and one five pages. In none
of the three articles does the word "communist" appear. The guerrillas are
treated as Chinese, not as partisans within China of an alien ideology. The
three articles are factual descriptions of what Chinese termed "guerrillas,"
were doing to aid in the war against Japan. The three articles are " 'Guerrilla
Industries' May Displace 'Scorched Earth' Policy." page 179, Far Eastern Sur-
vey, 1938; "Chinese Guerrillas Spike Japanese Raio Cotton Hopes," page 201
of the same year ; and "The War Economy of China's Guerrillas," page 265 of the
same year.
Mention in other articles of Chinese Communists include neither criticism or
praise of cither the Communists or the Kuomintang. For example, an article
entitled "Revitalizing British Interests in China," states, on page 139 of the
1937 volume : "There is little doubt that the degree of political unification which
has been achieved by the Nanking Government, together with the stabilizing
effects of the financial reforms, would under any circumstances have served to
attract new British capital to China"; in an article entitled "China's Domestic
Transport System," page 255 of the 1937 volume: "* * * the excellent high-
ways of Kiangsi, for example, grew out of the needs of the recent anti-Commu-
nist campaign" ; in an article entitled "The War and Western Interests in North
China," page 231 of the 1938 volume: "Moreover, the widespread continuance
of guerrilla warfare has prevented the consolidation of the Japanese position
and the restoration of peace and order."
Had the Far Eastern Survey been following a "Communist line," it would have
taken opportunity to praise the Chinese communists at the expense of the Kuo-
mintang. This it did not do in the period under review, a period stated by
Mr. Kohlberg to be a time when the IPR was following the "Communist line."
Mr. Kohlberg quotes the Survey twice, presumably to support his contention.
The first is from an article by Frederick V. Field on page 57 of the 1937 volume
entitled "The Chinese Communists Re-merge." The sentence to which Mr. Kohl-
berg takes exception is apparently the following : "If this information is cor-
rect [that an agreement has been reached between the National Government
and the Communists] it means that for the first time since 1927 the Commu-
nists have been officially recognized, the government has agreed to give up its
anti-Communist campaigns, and — most important — an actual beginning to an
anti-Japanese military and political front has been established." To anyone
who was following Chinese affairs at that time, regardless of his political views,
this seems to be a mere statement of fact.
The other statement from the Far Eastern Survey quoted by Mr. Kohlberg in
this section of his document (page 7) seems to have no connection with his gen-
eral argument, and cannot therefore be dealt with. A study of the four issues
1626 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
of Pacific Affairs quarterly of the year 1937 quoted in the Kohlberg document,
also fails to indicate that there was any following of the "Communist party
line."
Mr. Kohlberg quotes only from one article during the year 1937, namely, the
article entitled -'Soviet Society in Northwest China" by Edgar Snow. From
that article he quotes the sentence: "In Fundamental Laws of the Chinese Soviet
Republic (by Martin Lawrence, London, 1934) the First All-China Soviet Con-
gress in 1931 set forth in detail the 'maximum program' of the Communist Party
of China — and reference to its shows clearly the ultimate aim of Chinese Com-
munists is a true and complete socialist state of the Marxist-Leninist concep-
tion." Mr. Snow's next sentence (not quoted by Mr. Kohlberg) reads, "Mean-
while, however, it has to be remembered that the social, political, and economic
organization of the Red districts has all along been only a very provisional
affair." This second sentence gives the point of the article, which as the title
indicates, is a description of the Chinese Communist area based on Snow's first-
hand knowledge of it. Mr. Snow writes for the Saturday Evening Post on the
subject of Chinese Communists, as well as other subjects. He has also written
several best sellers, published by reputable firms. But it is doubtful if this fact
makes these publishers open to the charge of following the "Communist line."
Note is taken below of all other articles and book reviews which touch on the
question of either the National Government of China or the Chinese Communists
during this period.
In the March 1937 issue there is an article entitled "The Dragnet of Local
Government in China" by Norman D. Hanwell, which, in pointing out the defects
of local government, is indirectly critical of the National Government.
In the issue of June 1937 there is no criticism, either favorable or adverse, of
either the National Government or the Chinese Communists. The matter is
ignored.
In the September 1937 issue, which contains the article by Edgar Snow referred
to by Mr. Kohlberg, the only other article referring to either the National Gov-
ernment or the Chinese Communists is an article entitled "Japan and China:
A War of Minds" by Robert S. Morton, in which the writer expresses his own
views as follows: "To many Chinese the Kuomintang now seems tame, even
reactionary ; and highly subservient to Japan in yielding territory and influence
repeatedly, without daring to risk its own position by real struggle for defense"
(page 312). "By most Chinese * * * Communism is opposed, whether do-
mestic or Russian" (page 312).
"Moreover, the predominant Chinese view is that internal Communism has
steadily lost ground for five years, despite the spectacular flight of guerrilla
bands through sparsely settled areas. A subcurrent of Chinese opinion is in-
clined to listen to Communists, not so much because of their social program or
their actual record in China, as because they denounce and oppose Japanese
imperialism more openly than does the cautions Chinese Government" (page 313).
The article praises neither the National Government nor the Chinese Communists.
In the same issue, in an article entitled "The New Era in Chinese Railway Con-
struction" by "Asiaticus," is a statement that "The only danger points which
signify yielding to foreign pressure by Nanking are to be seen in leaving North
China, menaced by the Japanese, to its fate, and a tendency to compromise
with the Japanese plans for usurping control of all railway interests in this
/one." Except for this statement the article is descriptive of accomplishments
in railway construction and does not praise or criticize the National Government.
The only hook review in this issue which falls within the current study is a
review of China Calling by the Reverend Frank Houghton, a British missionary.
The book is reviewed by, Eugene E. Barnett, and he quotes a sentence from the
hook "Probably no Chinese government has ever included so large a proportion of
energetic and public-spirited officials as those now at work in Nanking." Quoting
this statement was no "Communist line." Anyone who had association with the
government at Nanking at thai time would subscribe to the statement.
There is no article in the December 1937 issue which refers to the National
Government or to the Chinese Communists. The opening article, however, is
by Frederick V. Field. The title of the article is "American Far Eastern Policy,
1981-1937." Mr. Field, however, fails to mention either the National Govern-
ment of China or the Chinese Communists, although the subject of the article
gave him room to do so if he wished.
With regard to book reviews, Dr. Shuhsi Hsu is given an opportunity to
make objections, in more than two pages, to a review in the same issue of Dr.
Hsu's hook The North China Problem. In the review of that book the reviewer,
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1627
Owen Lattimore, states thai l>r. Hsu describes the position of the Chinese Com-
munists as "virtually laying down their anus" and then Mr. Lattimore states,
•1 was in the Hod territory about two weeks before I read Professor Hsu's
book, and I saw no signs of any such docility. The Chinese Communists still
appear to think that they have improved their local footing in the Northwest
and at the same time won a stronger position in national politics by their
negotiations in Nanking since the release of Chiang Kai-shek from Sian, and
that as a result they will lie able to press their old demands for a general
national resistance against Japanese aggression."
Mr. Lattimore's review is an honest and unheated criticism of a book which
was obviously incomplete in its content, not only with regard to the Chinese
Communists but with regard to the Mongols of Inner Mongolia, a subject on
which Mr. Lattimore is an outstanding authority.
The Lattimore review is followed by a review by a Chinese (Chen Han-seng)
of a book by Harry Gannes entitled "When China Unites: An Interpretive History
of the Chinese Revolution." Mr. Chen does not seem to approve of Gannes' treat-
ment of the Chinese Communists. The criticism of this aspect of the book, how-
ever, is less than one-half of a page out of a review of more than two and a half
pages.
Taking up the four issues of Paeific Affairs for the year 1938 :
The only item in the isstie for March 1938 which Mr. Kohlberg quotes is a
review of Edgar Snow's book Red star Over China, the reviewer being Mr. Ed-
ward C. Carter. The review on the whole commends the book, in common with
practically all reviewers of the book at the time of publication. Mr. Carter's
review, however, is not entirely favorable, pointing out "the author's tendency
to ignore the rem substantial achievements of the Nanking Government" (page
110).
Mr. Kohlberg fails to point out that ten pages in front of that review, four pages
are devoted to an attack on the Chinese Communists by W. W. Wheeler 2d, in
which Mr. Wheeler refers to the Chinese Communist forces as follows : * * *
"such unattached free-booting armies are an old and even stereotyped evil" and
"the present Communist army is notable chiefly for the length of its retreat, its
proclivity for plunder and its avoidance of pitched battle." In final paragraph
of this almost four pages statement is contained the sentence. "The bulk of the
Communist Army is recruited from vagabonds" (pages 101-104).
This issue contains two articles on the military situation in China. The
first, entitled "China's advance from Defeat to Strength" by "Asiaticus," praises
both Chiang Kai-shek and his armies and the Communist armies. The second
article, "The Strategy of the Sino-Japanese Conflict" by Herbert Rosinsky,
praises the armies of Chiang Kai-shek and refers favorably to ''guerrilla tactics"
and to the vindication of the Red Army's reputation by its "outstanding bravery
in the fighting in Shansi." In this connection it should be remembered that there
was every reason to praise both Chiang Kai-shek and the Communists at that
time. It seemed that unity had been achieved between them and during that
period Chiang Kai-shek's troops were doing magnificent fighting at Shanghai
and Taierehuang, fighting such as has not been attained by the National Gov-
ernment forces since then.
There is also an article in this issue "The Revolution in Chinese Legal
Thought" by N. H. van der Valk, which inter alia adversely criticizes the new
Criminal Code of 1935 of the Chinese government.
In Pacific Affairs of June 1938 no article deals either with the National Gov-
ernment or with the Chinese Communists.
Mr. Kohlberg quotes some statements made by Edgar Snow in this issue.
These statements occur in five pages given to Edgar Snow in which to reply to
more than six pages of criticism of Snow's "Red Star Over China" by "Asiaticus."
It is an indication of a dispassionate publication to permit two writers to air
their opinions pro and con on a controversial subject.
There are no book reviews in the June 1938 issue relating to either the National
Government or the Chinese Communists.
Regarding the issue of Pacific Affairs of September 193S, it is impossible to
perceive why Mr. Kohlberg quotes what he does from the article by Haldore
Hanson entitled "The People Behind the Chinese Guerrillas" (page 285). This
article is a factual account of Mr. Hanson's visit to those places in North China
(not Communist Northwest China) where "self-defense governments" had
•sprung up everywhere in the wake of the Japanese Army," these groups being
led "jointly by Communist agents and patriotic University students." The
68970 — 50— pt. 2 10
1628 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
activities of these "self-defense governments" were watched during that period
with the greatest sympathy and enthusiasm by all Westerners in the cities of
North China, regardless of the political views of those people, because of their
effective hampering of the Japanese. This article is a factual recital of eye
witness experiences of a man of excellent reputation who has been serving for
the past two years or more in the Cultural Division of the Department of State.
Mr. Kohlberg quotes from an item in this issue entitled ''Why the Chinese
Communists Support a United Front." This is in its entirety an interview which
Nym Wales had with a Chinese Communist. It is in quotation marks to show
that everything said in this article was said by the Chinese Communist. It is an
interview and it is clearly published as such (page 311).
No other article of this issue deals with either the National Government or the
Chinese Communists.
Mr. Kohlberg quotes from two pages of comment made by Owen Lattimore
(pages 370-72) in regard to a criticism by William Henry Chamberlin (of four
pages in the June issue of Pacific Affairs entitled "The Moscow Trials" which
appeared under "Comment and Correspondence" ; a brief article which did not
refer to the Chinese Communists but only to the Moscow trials. Mr. Kohlberg
fails to point out that immediately preceding Mr. Lattimore's comment are four
pages of comment by Mr. "William Henry Chamberlin adversely criticizing the
Moscow trials. Again, this is the procedure of a dispassionate publication — to
print the opposing views in close juxtaposition so that both sides may have an
equal opportunity to reach the readers of the publication.
Mr. Kohlberg does not quote from Pacific Affairs of December 1938. This issue
does not have any material which might be regarded as following the "Commu-
nist line." However, in fairness to the Institute, Mr. Kohlberg might have re-
ferred to a four page editorial (pages 495-8) in which reference is made to the
practice of Pacific Affairs in presenting both points of view in regard to a con-
troversial subject. In the final paragraph of that editorial it is stated : "Wbile
'avoiding the practice of presenting every controversy through two 'selected'
spokesmen, we have also done our best to increase the representation, in Pacific
Affairs, of national points of view — a policy which is not inconsistent with our
major policy of trying, first and foremost, to establish the real course of events
and the real trend of development."
In Pacific Affairs for March 1939 there is one article dealing with the resistance
to the Japanese, "The Good Iron of the New Chinese Army," by Olga Lang (page
20). This is primarily a case study of Chinese who are fighting the Japanese.
Mr. Kohlberg quotes the final three sentences : "All of this does not mean that
the Chinese Army is already pei'fect. Far from it. Much remains to be done:
But what is important is that the way to victory is found." Mr. Kohlberg evi-
dently intends to suggest that a statement so favorable as this about the
Chinese forces early in 1939, is incompatible with recent statements regarding
the present malnutrition of the National forces of China, and the present neglect
of troops by some Chinese generals. The two statements are not incompatible.
A deterioration has taken place in the past two or three years in the treatment
of the Chinese forces by their leaders, just as there has taken place deterioration
in its resistance to Japan.
There is nothing else in this issue either praising or criticizing the National
Government of China or the Chinese Communists, not even among the book
reviews.
In the June 1939 issue of Pacific Affairs there are two articles dealing with
China's resistance: one, "The "Nature of Guerrilla Warfare" by Major R. Ernest
Dupuy (pages 13S-48), and the other, "The Failure of Civil Control in Occupied
China" by B. Ward Perkins (pages 149-56) . The first article is a study of aspects
of guerrilla warfare in history, and other countries, and its purpose is to discover
what one may hope for from guerrilla warfare in China. It is unemotional in
character. The second article is critical of the Japanese and speaks favorably of
the guerrillas.
The third article in this issue is "The War in China and the Soviet Press" by
Martin R. Norins (pages 157-68), from which Mr. Kohlberg quotes extensively
in his document. This article is composed of reports from Communist sources
and these reports are always identified as such. Taken in conjunction with the
preceding tiro articles it forms one of three serious studies, and to drop any one
of thon would result in giving a less complete picture of the situation that is
obtained from the three together.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1629
In "Comment and Correspondence" there are two Letters with regard to guer-
rilla warfare, one bv Captain Evans F. Carlson of the United States Marine
Corps (pages L83 84), and one by Haldore Hanson (pages 184-85), both of them
men who have had first-hand experience in guerrilla areas. The purpose of each
letter is to comment on Dupuy's article, "The Nature of Chuerrila Warfare," and
they deal with Dupuy's statements from a legal and technical viewpoint rather
than from a partisan viewpoint.
Quotations Critical of China in I. P. R. Publications, 1987-Auff. 23, 1939
The following excerpts demonstrate that in the period under review the I. P. R.
(American and Pacific Councils) published materials critical of both Kuomin-
tang and Chinese Government policies (as well as other materials commending
them).
As many of these quotations are from the Far Eastern Survey, it should be
noted that before 1941, the Survey was devoted to economic topics and avoided
discussion of political or controversial issues. Nevertheless the tenor of many
articles was clearly critical of Chinese Government policy.
Mr. Kohlberg's Period of Praise of China
"Merchant Capital and Usury Capital in Rural China," by Leonard T. K. Wu,
Far Eastern Survey, March 25, 1936
"Rural credit is the crux of the great financial problem facing China today"
(p. 63).
"Certain conclusions seem to the present writer, to be the only logical impli-
cations.
"(1) The operation of the present system of usury-merchant-landlordism must
lead to the disintegration of rural China. With interest rates as high as 100
percent or more * * * it is inevitable that the middle class peasants will be
reduced to small peasants, small peasants to poor peasants, and poor peasants
to hired or unemployed persons.
" (2) Under the present system, the bulk of the peasants are hardly able to keep
body and soul together. It is therefore absolutely impossible to expect them to
make any technical or other scientific advance in methods of production * * *
"(3) The pauperization of the peasantry and decline in agricultural produc-
tivity means a shrinkage in national purchasing power * * * Usury-mer-
chant-landlordism in China is destroying, instead of creating, markets * * *
(p. 68).
"Rural Bankruptcy in China," by Leonard T. K. Wu, Far Eastern Survey,
October 8, 1936.
"If any one problem can be said to overshadow all other internal economic
questions facing harassed China today, it is the rural crisis." (p. 209)
"The present state of rural China may be summarized in one word — bank-
ruptcy" (p. 209).
"The poverty and desperation of the peasants is indicated in the growing
restiveness which often spontaneously breaks out into open opposition. In
famine regions the eating of bark of trees and grass roots, and the sale of
children is commonplace" (p. 211).
"The central and fundamental cause of the rural crisis is what Chan Han-song
has aptly termed the contradiction between land owning and land using'. * * *
The dire need of no less than 65 percent of China's rural population is for
land" (p. 212).
"The Rajchman Report [report by Dr. Ludwik Rajchman to the League of
Nations] states : 'The number of tenants is on the increase, since owner-farmers
are being forced, because of the depression and the decline of agriculture, to
sell their land or to mortgage it on such terms as to leave them little better
than tenants.'" (p. 212).
(Note that the report of the eminent scholar, Dr. Rajchman, to the League of
Nations parallels Dr. Wu's findings as reported in the Far Eastern Survey.)
"Exorbitant rents, arising from this system of land tenancy, further provokes
the seriousness of the rural problem" (p. 214).
"The second structural cause of the rural crisis is the assessment of all kinds
■of exorbitant taxes and tolls. While the very lifeblood of the tenants and
partial tenants is poured into high land rents, that of the peasant proprietors and
small landlords is poured into stiff taxes and tolls" (p. 214).
1630 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
"Chinese Reconstruction in Practice-' by Frederick T. Field, Far Eastern Survey
December 19, 19S6
In this article Mr. Field surveys the efforts of the National Government toward
national reconstruction and finds them very inadequate.
"The aspects of reconstruction on which we have already touched— landlordism
and tenancy, taxation and cooperation— are those in which the social problem is
conspicuous. A survey of the application of the reconstruction program in these
fields throws grave doubt on whether fundamental reform can be achieved under
the present auspices. The compromise necessarily made in the interests of
political expediency and economic support seem practically to frustrate the basic
readjustments called for in blueprints * * *" (p. 268).
"In relation to the immense problem [of water control] the energy and
resources the government has devoted to it are pitifully insignificant" (p. 270).
"The key to understanding the whole current reconstruction movement is found
in the purposes and methods of the communications program * *. Con-
siderable emphasis has * * * been put * * * on highway construction.
Yet * * * the highwavs * * * have been developed less to supplement
the economy of the Chinese farmers * * * than to force the provinces into a
central federation bv military coercion. Unification of a sort has been achieved,
but it has been achieved in such a way as to * * * establish a military
dictatorship over an already oppressed people. * * * It is this factor which
throws doubt on the validity of the entire reconstruction effort. The evidence
would seem to indicate that below the surface of construction activities of the
sort represented by highways there remain all the fundamental maladjustments
of a feudal, agrarian society (pp. 270-71).
"The Financial Stability of the Nanking Government" by Kate Mitchell, Far
Eastern Survey, July 1, 1936
"Internally the Nanking Government faces problems fundamentally more
serious than those presented by foreign political and financial pressure. Its
political authority is far from complete, and there is increasingly widespread
discontent, aggravated by economic distress, at the Government's failure to take
action against the inroads of Japan. The majority of Chinese farmers are
increasingly impoverished. The extortionate demands of tax collector, usurer,
merchant, landlord and military leaders ; the ruining of the land by flood and
drought ; the decline in agricultural prices ; and the lack of rural credit facilities
have resulted in widespread bankruptcy" (p. 139).
«* * * 'rural reconstruction' remains largely a much used phrase rather
than an actuality. The problems of land ownership, land taxation and rural
credit remain untouched. The trend toward economic deterioration, though
slightly checked, has not yet been reversed * * *" (p. 139).
"On the credit side of the balance sheet a comparison of the financial organiza-
tion today with that in 1928 reveals a marked degree of progress * * *.
"On the debit side of the ledger, however, we find equally convincing evi-
dence. * * * Throughout its nine years of existence the Nanking Government
has never been able to escape from the perilous financial position of a govern-
ment fighting for its political life. Among the outstanding features of govern-
ment finance throughout this period have been a heavily unbalanced budget,
a current deficit necessitating large-scale borrowing by costly methods, the
expenditure of a large percentage of government revenue for military purposes,
lack of effective budgetary control over government expenditure and inability
to fix and enforce the areas of taxation for the various grades of govern-
ment * * * (p. 144).
"The whole question of the Central Government's financial position thus pro-
vides an excellent illustration of the many external and internal forces which
are complicating, if not completely blocking the way to political stability and
economic reconstruction in China. Predictions as to the future course of events
are extremely hazardous. Internally, Nanking's political power is challenged
both by the Southern and the Communist factions. There is no clear indication
as to which of several possible lines of action Nanking is likely to choose. Exter-
nally, the policies of Japan, Great Britain, and the United States are all uncertain
quantities, dependent perhaps as much on the course of events in Europe as on
conditions in eastern Asia. Barring the possibility of some form of foreign
assistance, it would seem that Nanking's only chance of continuing to finance
its operations and carry on the administration of government depends upon
whether such revenues as remain to it are devoted solely to the objective of
improving the economic welfare of the people and thereby eliminating the prin-
cipal cause for internal revolt against its political control" (p. 146).
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1631
Review of Chiang Kai-shek, by Qustav Amann. Reviewed by Bruno Lasher,
Pacific Affairs, March 1937
"Mr. Amann is especially successful in describing the miracle of how even so
much as is now visible of the structure of Chinas national government could
arise in so short a time. To have 'enthroned' the middle classes by giving them
workable instruments of rule, appears to Mr. Amann the outstanding achieve-
ment of Chiang Kai-shek. One of China's greatest strategists, the generalis-
simo is pictured nevertheless as the relentless enemy of 'neo-militarism.' This
is done by a literary form of flood-lighting which keeps in the shadow the
essential nature of the scene: the concentration of power in a small group
above the party, the suppression of public discussion, censorship in an extreme
form, devitalization of the labor movement — in short the adoption of many of
the methods if not the whole ideology of fascism" (p. SS).
The conclusion one reaches after a study of all of the material in both the
Survey and Pacific Affairs for the years 1937, 1938, and the first half of 1939—
during which period Mr. Kohlberg claims that the I. P. R. followed the "Com-
munist line" — is that views on both sides are presented; that there was both
criticism and praise of the National Government.
Section II The Period from August 23, 1939, to June 22, 19 '41
During this period, according to Mr. Kohlberg, the Institute of Pacific Relations
in general, and the American Council in particular, followed what lie called the
"< ommunist line," i. e., abusing (but not praising) the Chinese Government.
• In order to prove this, he quoted some lines from twro articles and book reviews
in Pacific Affairs and six short articles in the Far Eastern Survey. During
these twenty-two months the Pacific Affairs published approximately sixty-
five articles and one hundred reviews. Thus, Mr. Kohlberg could find fault with
less than three percent of the articles and tiro percent of the reviews in Public
Affairs. During the same period there were 47 issues of the Far Eastern Survey
in which there were published more than 2S0 articles. Thus, again, the articles
quoted by Mr. Kohlberg constitute only about two percent of the total number
of articles. Beside this, during the period under consideration, the Pacific Council
and American Council published many books which were ignored in Mr. Kohlberg's
accusations. Of the articles published in Pacific Affairs during this period, there
were twenty-five dealing more or less directly with China: Mr. Kohlberg used
only tiro of tin in. In the Far Eastern Surrey about ticenty-five of all articles
had direct relation to China, but Mr. Kohlberg used only six of them.
Furthermore, during the period under consideration until dune 24, 1941, the
editor of Pacific Affairs was Owen Lattimore, who left that post to become
confidential ad riser to- Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek. If Pacific Affairs was
abusing the Chinese Government to the extent charged by Mr. Kohlberg. during
the period under consideration, it is strange that Mr. Lattimore on June 24, 1941.
lias recommended to such a position by the President of the United Stales and
stranger still that the Generalissimo accepted tin' recommendation. Yet accord-
ing to T. T". Soong, this appointment of Mr. Lattimore was regarded in Chungking
as "a major token of increasing understanding between China and the United
State*."
The aim of Pacific Affairs is to give information on the developments in the
Pacific area as broadly and as completely as possible. During this period in
question, the magazine published articles on China or on the Far East in relation
to China by the following authors :
E. Schumpeter, of the Harvard-Radcliffe Bureau of International Research.
L. Rosixger. who is now an expert on the Far East of the Foreign Policy
Association.
E. Carlsox, famous colonel of the U. S. Marines, hero of Makin, Saipan, and
other battles.
N. Wai.es. a well-known writer on problems of China.
K. Blocii. writer on the staff of Fortune magazine.
T. A. Bissox. now with the I. P. R., formerly with the Foreign Policy Association
and with the Board of Economic Warfare.
E. K. Lieu. Chinese economist in service of the National Economic Research,
Chungking.
Franz Michael, Professor, University of Washington.
Pttilip C. Jesstp, Professor, Columbia University.
Wei Mexg-Pu. formerly Professor, the Northwestern University of Mukden.
W. Braxdt. an Australian economist.
1632 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Galen Fisher, former Y. M. C. A. Secretary in Japan.
Owen Lattimore, formerly Personal Adviser to Chiang Kai-shek, and later con-
nected with the Office of War Information, now Director, Walter Hines Page
School of International Relations, Johns Hopkins University.
M. Nobins, in service with the Lihrary of Congress. Washington.
Anna Louise Strong, a well-known leftist writer, who has visited China
frequently.
It is clear, from this list, that it would have been difficult for Pacific Affairs
to have confined itself, even if it had been inclined to do so, to a Communist
line.
Let us now examine the record of the Far Eastern Survey. According to Mr.
Kohlberg, after August 23, 1939, this publication pursued a policy of abuse of the
Chinese Government. Yet the first signs of such "abuse1' listed by Mr. Kohlberg
are in articles published January 29, 1941, or seventeen months later. The quota-
tions used by Mr. Kohlberg for this period are confined to three months between
January 29 and May J, 19)1.
A careful reading of these (flotations does not reveal abuse of the Chinese
Government. It does, however, show concern over the possibility of a break in
the United Front in China, a concern shared, for example by the Neic York
Times. The following items from that newspaper, which certainly cannot be
suspected of folloAving the Communist line, reveal considerable interest in the
Kuomintang-Communist conflict, certainly no less than that appearing in the
Far Eastern Survey :
New York Times:
Jan. 8: Maj. E. F. Carlson reports military forces of China formidable and
national spirit high, but cites widespread economic corruption involving
trade in Japanese goods: reports Kuomintang-Communist crisis past and
United States popularity high, sees continued U. S. S. R. aid.
Jan. 10: Foreign aid and supply routes control give Chiang Kai-shek power
to deny 8th Route (Chinese Communists). Army request for mass transfer
from northern to southern China for national conference.
Jan. 12: Chinese army organ reports pact involving exchange of Chinese
minerals for U. S. S. R. military supplies.
Jan. 18: Chiang Kai-shek forces disband Communist-controlled new 4th
Route Army, hold its Commander General Yob Ting, and search for
General Kang Yang, following army refusal to move to north of Yangtze
River; Japanese Army spokesman reports Chinese troops moving against
4th Route Army.
Jan. 19: Chou En-lai, Chinese Communist representative in Chungking, states
further Chinese Government-Communist friction will be avoided and ex-
presses regret over 4th Route revolt: North Chinese Communist leaders
demand Chiang Kai-shek end attacks on Communist forces and lift block-
ade of the north Communist areas.
Jan. 21: 8th Route Army renews demands for transfer to Yangtze Valley
and release of Chungking and Communist leaders for supervision: Shang-
hai foreign circles fear free China rift will lessen foreign support.
Jan. 28 : Tass Agency reports Chinese Government dissolution of 4th Route
Army directed at Communist elements and might cause civil war.
Jan. 29: Chiang Kai-shek stares action toward 4th Route Army is based
on military discipline and reaffirms national unity.
Feb. 4: ChungkingiGovernment reduces 8th Route Army branch office, Kwei-
lin, Kwangsi.
Feb. 6: Kuomintang-Communist rift cited in editorial.
Feb. 21: Report continued Kuomintang-Communist armies strife in Anhwei
Province; Chungking denies rift.
Feb. 23: Hunan Province People's Political Council appeals to Communist
military and political leaders for full central government support.
Feb. 27: Domei reports Kuomintang-Communist clashes spread, Shansi Prov-
ince Nanking regime gain by Chinese dissensions.
Mar. 3: 6 Communist delegates refuse to attend opening session (of People's
Political Council).
Mar. 7: Chiang reported backing Council plan to arbitrate Government-
Communisl dispute. Chiang is confident of * * * continued British,
U. S. and U. S. S. R. aid.
Mar. 8: Chiang states Communists violated 1937 support pledges to Council.
Report military operations aided by continued Kuomintang-Communist
4th Army clash.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1633
Mar. 9: Chungking urges apportionment of future defense bank issues among
wealthy.
Mar. 10: Communist demands on Council published. Chiang says demands
cannot be met without destroying national unity and recalls 1937 pledges.
Council urges Chinese Government to improve Burma Road Administra-
t ion.
Mar. 12: Dr. Baker appointed Kunming-Burma Transportation Bureau Di-
rector to keep Burma Road open.
Mar. 1G: Kuomintang-Communist struggle background and U. S. S. R. role in
Sino- Japanese War discussed.
Mar. 17: Shanghai groups hold German agents responsible for Kuomintang-
Communist clashes. Sino-Japanese peace believed object of German in-
tervention.
Mar. 22 : Premier H. H. Kung denies report of Chinese military council
anti-Communist army organization and predicts early solution to Gov-
ernment-Communist conflict.
Mar. 23: Abstract of Chiang's speech to Council stating Communist de-
mands and Government stand.
Mar. 24: Takungpao reports wide government reorganization planned.
Mar. 30: Communist activity against Chungking and Nanking (pro-Japa-
nese) regimes reported.
Apr. 4 : Chungking Government issues manifesto stressing national unity
and trend to democracy.
May 1 : Chungking says USSR war materials transshipment ban does not
apply (to Chinese) since all supplies from USSR are Soviet-made.
It is worthy of note that the New York Times of May 2, 1941, includes the
following paragraph, which would seem to indicate that the Chinese did not
recognize the extensive "abuse" of their country by the IPR, which, according
to Mr. Kohlberg, existed during this period :
"Kuo Tai-ehi. foreign minister of China, honored by American Council, Insti-
tute of Pacific Relations ( and other organizations) in New York City."
Perhaps our Chinese friends were more aware than was Mr. Kohlberg of such
article as the following in publications of the Institute, which asked for more
help for China. As early as in December 1939, for example, Mr. Bisson wrote
in Pacific Affairs in an article entitled "Japan Without Germany" :
"The Chinese people are fighting for their own independence, but also for the
best interests of all the democratic, nonaggression nations. China does not
ask for military assistance. It merely asks that these nations, among which
the United States now holds a position of decisive power, cease being the ai'mory
of its assailant. The time for an answer is long overdue."
Kurt Bloch wrote in the Far Eastern Survey, April 7, 1941 :
"Since this information was received, no incidents of civil conflict have been
reported here except from Japanese sources. During this time, it is safe to
say that the weight of the American Government and of American public opinion
has been thrown on the side of China's continued united resistance."
Examination of Mr. Kohlberg's charges shows plainly that Section II of his
document has misrepresented the publications of the Institute and, that con-
sciously or unconsciously, he has selected only those quotations which suited
his preconceptions.
Section III — Mr. Kohlberg's "Third Communist-Kuoniintang Honeymoon"
This period, as defined in the Kohlberg document, began with Hitler's invasion
of Russia in June 1941, and ended with the Red Army's triumph at Stalingrad
on February 4, 1943. Mr. Kohlberg sees it as a period of "praise of China."
According to his letter to the Trustees of the American Council on December
28, however, articles published by the IPR continued to "praise China" for
several months after this — until the summer of 1943, to be exact — a discrepancy
which would appear to indicate that Mr. Kohlberg himself finds it difficult to
prove his own formula.
Mr. Kohlberg's "Third Commt-nist-Kttomintang Honeymoon"
Furthermore, the articles he lists in this section of his document fail to bear
out his contention that this period was one confined to "praise of the Kuomintang
and the central government of China. As is the case with respect to other
articles cited in his document, the material here, if read in toto, includes both
criticism and praise of the Chinese Government, the Kuomintang and the Com-
munists as well.
1634 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Mr. Kohlberg's document. quote. 1 excerpts of eight articles and one pamphlet.
Of these nine writings, two had nothing to do with China. In fact, one — a
letter of an anonymous journalist entitled "Why Were We Wrong" did not
contain even the word '•China." Except for Robert Barnett's "Isolated China,"
all the remaining six contained certain remarks critical of the Kuomintang
government. One, however (by Harriet Moore), may be regarded as defending
the Chinese Government; the other (by Lieutenant Uhlman) praises the Com-
munists, and reflected unfavorably on the Kuomintang Government's Chief of
staff.
The following are some of the findings which contradict Mr. Kohlberg's con-
tention that IPR publications confined themselves to praise of "China," during
this period.
Serious indictments of the Kuomintang as well as laudatory statements about
the Chinese people and Chiang Kai-shek were contained in both George Taylor's
article Chinese Resistance in North China and his pamphlet Changing China,
cited by Mr. Kohlberg. These also contain statements praising the Chinese Com-
munists. In his Oct. 10, 1941 article. Exposing Kuomintang Blockade of the
Guerrillas, the following may be noted :
"But now it is very difficult to move from one area to the other (i. e. from
the Kuomintang area to guerrilla territories) and much needed medical sup-
plies consigned to North China have not been allowed to pass through the Central
Government blockade. The success of the Japanese drive through lower Shansi
to the Yellow River can be explained partly in terms of failure to achieve
cooperation between the Central Government and the guerrilla forces north of
the River" (p. 232).
"There is a constant ebb and flow of political pressure from Chunking which
wishes to maintain resistance against the Japanese even up to the gates of
Peiping, but always hopes that the people of North China will not be won over
entirely to the cause of the Border Government" (p. 233) .
Praise of the Communists or guerrillas
'The Border Government, although it has suffered constantly from invasion of
its territories, today has as great a measure of political control as at any time
in its history. A government which can survive the occupation of nearly every
county seat in its area is one which has a firm hold on the imagination of the
people * * *. Although the charge has been made that too much time has
been spent in political propaganda, it must be admitted that the task of organiz-
ing the peasantry of North China iuto units which could be effectively employed
for military and other purposes was enormous" (pp. 236-7).
Again in Taylor's Changing China, 1942 :
Government dominated by landlords
"Today their (landlord-gentry's) sons are pilots in the air force, officers in the
armies, officials in the government. But because this class prides itself on not
doing what the peasantry had to do, work with his hands, the tradition has
carried over to the present, and most educated Chinese look down on manual
labor as something beneath their dignity" (p. 46).
New classes and gentry
"The new classes in China * * * are the industrialists, bankers, and mer-
chants * * *. They provide many of the new officials ; they have power in
the Central Government * * * As so many of them came from the gentry,
they are still strongly connected with the land * * *" (p. 47).
The peasantry and landlord and government
"On the back of the peasant is built the whole fabric of Chinese civilization.
He does the work, pays the taxes from which he gets no benefits, turns back
to the landlord fifty to sixty percent of his harvest as rent, and is robbed and
taken advantage of every way he turns" (p. 47).
Chiang Kai-shek and the landlords
"There was a deeper separation, however, in the Nationalist movement (1925-
27) than that caused by personal jealousy. This was the split between the
right and left wing of the Kuomintang * * *. The left wing * * *
wanted to base their power on the peasants and workers of China. The right
Wing included industrialists, bankers, and merchants who * * * were op-
posed to changing the system of land ownership. * * *
"The right wing, under Chiang Kai-shek, was alarmed, for many of the army
officers came from the families of local gentry. * * * The revolution (of
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1635
1925-27) split * * * many thousands of Chinese Communists were killed,
and the righl wing of the Kuomintang * * * set up a government in Nan-
king without the Communists" (pp. 66-67).
Chiang's lack of interest in democracy
"He [Chiang] shared (heir [army Officers'] ideas * *. They did not have
the same interest as the intellectuals in democracy and they hated Communism.
They wanted to preserve the old order in the villages, for they came from the
landed gentry and they did not think that merchants and professors could build
a strong China. They bad a groat admiration for Italy and Germany * * *.
They wanted to build a new China by appealing to the old virtues and tradi-
tional institutions, not by building up a real democracy" (p. 68).
Kuomintang Government a one-man show ,
"The Nanking Government, or Kuomintang government, as it is often called, for
it was a one-party administration, soon emerged as a one-man show. That
man was Chiang Kai-shek" (p. 68).
Chiang and Communists on land reform
''There is much truth to the criticism that Chiang adopted no radical measures
to solve the land problem because be founded much of his power on the land-
lords and did not want to turn them against him" (p. 90).
''The Communists have not arrived at a solution of the land problem, either,
but they have made the lot of the peasant easier than it was before" (p. 91).
Guenther Stein's article, if read completely, is also found to contain comments
critical of the Kuomintang. In his account, Wartime Government in China, Mr.
Stein stated at the very start that "The war has made political reorganization
necessary for China." Yet he found "a comparatively small number of men,
mostly well-known and prominent in Chinese political affairs long before the
war, held the decisive positions. Little new blood has been added, and much
of the expansion of government activity has been carried out through a com-
bination of a number of functions and activities in the hands of already im-
portant political leaders."
Mr. Kohlberg's own marginal notes on the passages he lifted from the next
article listed — Y. Y. Hsu's China's First Two Years of a Tax in Kind — indicate
the critical nature of the article, despite the fact that this is supposed to be
a "Communist-Kuomintang honeymoon period."
And the Uhlman article, Land of the Five Withouts, likewise did not "praise"
the Kuomintang ; in fact, the Kuomintang Gen. Ho Ying-ching was referred to
therein as pro-Japanese.
Mr. Kohlberg also cited a statement by Under Secretary of State Welles on
American policy toward China. Although occasioned by an interview with an
American Communist leader, this constituted an important diplomatic declara-
tion. The Far Eastern Survey would certainly be unworthy of its name without
taking notice of such an announcement. To link it with a charge of Communist
leanings is tantamount to labeling as Communist, all neii'spapers headlining the
Russian Army's advance against Hitler.
There is no evidence here of any "period" in the sense indicated by Mr. Kohl-
berg. It may be noticed, however, that Pearl Harbor and developments after
America's entrance into the war influenced writers in this country. Immediately
after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor by the Japanese, and the loss of Singa-
pore and the Dutch East Indies, Anglo-Americans were overwhelmed with a
sense of humiliation. They tended to become more critical of themselves and
tolerant of their allies. But with the turn of the war tide in the Pacific they
regained their confidence. With the return of Stilwell in May 1943, to confer
with the American Supreme Command on the strategy of the war on the Asiatic
mainland was the occasion for the American writers began to consider the poten-
tialities of China in the war.
Outspoken criticism of China began about this time. Mr. Hanson Baldwin
blazed the path by belittling China right and left. In contrast, however, critical
articles in the Far Eastern Survey, tried as a rule to evaluate not only the
weaknesses apparent in China's situation, but the positive sides as well.
Mr. Kohi.rerg's Second Period of Abuse of China
Section IV — The Period Since February 1948 (Abuse of China)
During the 1940-43 period in China, economic, political, and military deteriora-
tion had seriously reduced the fighting strength of the Chinese Government and
1636 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
its central armies. Recognition of this fact occurred first in Washington, but
by 1943, writers such as Pearl Buck, Hanson Baldwin, and T. A. Bisson were
informing the American public of the situation. In China itself, Kuomintang
leaders such as Sun Po were voicing criticisms of the politically and economi-
cally repressive policies of the Chinese central authorities. These persons were
calling attention to weaknesses in the government organization as the basic
problem, and not merely to lack of military supplies as the leading Chinese
authorities maintained. Yet all of the critics of Chungking's policies cited by
Kohlberg were at the same time demanding that more supplies be sent to China.
The warnings by American publicists were borne out by the military crisis
which developed in 1944. In half a dozen provinces, large Kuomintang armies
crumbled in the face of a well-planned Japanese offensive. This collapse seri-
ously affected the American position in China. General Stilwell was withdrawn,
and Ambassador Gauss resigned. A new set of American officials was sent to
China. Donald Nelson sought to ameliorate economic conditions, General Hurley
tried to overcome political disunity, while General Wedemeyer attempted to
strengthen the Chinese armies.
These developments have proved to be a central feature of the Pacific War
in 1944-45. For their potential effects on the remainder of the war, and even
more on the postwar future of the Far East, they might well be ranked as the
outstanding feature of this period. The question thus arises : Were those
writers and Far Eastern specialists who first called attention to this problem in
1913 at fault or were they in fact performing a necessary service, both to the
American public and to the United Nations as a whole? And following from
this — was it out of place that, among various American writers calling attention
to the problem, some of these should be staff members of the Institute of Pacific
Relations? Had this not been the case, the Institute staff might well be accused
of falling below the level of penetration displayed by outside writers in analysis
of Far Eastern conditions — the specific function of the Institute.
Pp. 2Jf-25 "China's Part in Coalition War." Far Eastern Survey, July 1J,, 1948,
pp. 135-141, T. A. Bisson
This is a critical article, as Kohlberg maintains. Yet the article states that
American aid to China has been "pitifully meager" and that China has had
"legitimate grievances." Kohlberg's document omits these qualifications.
Note that Kohlberg's "Timing" as to his parallel Communist sources (p. 25)
do not hold up, since they are all prior to the summer of 1943. The New Masses
articles, as cited, are dated October 7, 1937, February 8, 193S, and January 28,
1941, while the article cited from the Communist is dated March 1941. These
citations thus Mvc no validity so far as proving a pantile] in timing between
1PR articles and Communist-published articles. Moreover, the first two of the
critical articles from the Communist press fall icithin the period (prior to the
pact of August 23, 1939) when the Communist •'line" is stated by Kohlberg to be
one of praise for the Chinese government. In this ease, then, even the Communist-
published articles do not conform to the time divisions set up by KoJiUicvg.
Note also that Kohlberg labels the Bisson article "Blast #1." But the timing
falls down here, too. Pearl Unci's article in Life, critical of political repression
in China, appeared on May 10, 1943, two months before the Bisson article.
Kohlberg should therefore attribute "Blast #7" to Pearl Buck, not to an IPR
writer. In this article, "A Warning About China," Miss Buck, acknowledged by
even Mr. Kohlberg as a great friend of China, makes the following statements :
"American friendship for China has at this moment reached a popular
height which brings it tx> the verge of sentimentality. The Chinese are being
exalted into persons such as cannot exist in our fallible human race. A dose
of common sense is needed. If the close is not taken in time those who have
rushed to give gifts, those who have sold valued possessions, as some have,
to make a gift, are going to wake up one morning condemning China and all
Chinese, and then they will regret their possessions and feel ashamed of their
emotionalism, and isolationists will make the most of this disillusionment. But
the Chinese people deserve neither adoration nor condemnation. They do de-
serve understanding and help, and that we may give what they deserve, it is
necessary for a friendly diagnosis to be made now of China's present condition"
(p. 53).
"Already, undemocratic forces, which could not do their evil work so long
as China was hopeful of her place as an equal ally of the United States and
England, have been strengthened by our policy which has relegated Japan to
the place of a secondary enemy, allowing Burma to be lost and the line to
China cut. In the isolation and helplessness of China those in the government
f^TATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1637
there who were voices for the people and for democracy cannot speak loudly
and clearly as once they did, as they did when they were promising their people
effective aid from us. Division within China is deepening in spite of the fact
that the leadership and the genius of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek are not
yet being challenged." (P. 53.)
"And now come these reports from China, even from Chinese sources them-
selves, that there are signs that in China this is ceasing to be a people's war.
The great liberal forces of the recent past in China are growing silent. The
center of liberalism in China for the past two generations has been in the
students and teachers. Nowhere in the world have the young and intelligent
played so heroic a part as in China. Their courage, their self-sacrifice, even to
the lives of thousands who dared to oppose the officials, have provided the strong-
est correctives to bureaucracy and official corruption. Now those students are
ceasing to speak. As China becomes more isolated the power of bureaucrats is
growing. Oppressive elements in the government are becoming more oppressive.
Chungking is a place where free speech is less and less possible and those who
want to be free are going to other places.
"These oppressive influences extend even into the Generalissimo's family.
We who are the American people would be better pleased if we could hear the
voice of Madame Sun Yat-sen today. It was Sun Yat-sen who provided for the
Chinese people the clear direction toward modern democracy. Why is it neces-
sary for Madame Sun Yat-sen to be silent? The people believe in her. It is not
only fear, it is also hopelessnes which deepens the people's silence. Economic
conditions in China at this hour are so appalling that the persons who might
be the leaders for freedom are turning away from public service and are taking
up better paid jobs. More and more students, for example, are discreetly
specializing in money and banking. Cynicism is killing the spirits and hunger
is killing the bodies of those who were once such a strong and purifying political
force.
"Yet the Chinese people are agreed that certain evils now existing must go
and certain reforms must be established if China is to continue as a democracy.
The chief evil that must go is official corruption, first in high places but every-
where as quickly as possible. The only way to get rid of this corruption is to
put into the hands of the people the power to accuse and dismiss their officials
when corruption is proved" (p. 54).
"In this state of mutual uncertainty it is inevitable that certain forces are
for the moment strengthening themselves as they tend to do in similar periods
in any country. There is now no real freedom of the press in China, no freedom
of speech. The official implement of repression is an organization far more
severe than the secret service of a democracy ought to be, for insecurity of indi-
viduals in power breeds repression upon the people. These antidemocratic
forces are being strengthened now, and not only by China's isolation" (p. 54).
Previous references to the internal situation in China may also be found, as,
for example, in the leading article in The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury,
April 23. 1948. Under the heading 'U. S. -Chinese Views Seen As Diverging"
Earl H. Leaf, Managing Editor, says in part:
"Misunderstandings arise concerning the use or misuse of American supplies
sent to China. Communist sympathizers repeatedly charged that the U. S.
supplies were being employed to arm Central Government troops against the
Chinese Red Armies.
"Independent check-up on these reports has revealed some puzzling aspects
of the internal Chinese situation as, for example, the fact that Gen. Hu Tzu-nan's
troops, who face the Communists and have never yet fought a battle with the
Japanese, turn out to be the best-equipped, best-paid, and best-fed army in China.
Hence, some influential American officials, fearing civil war in China, reinclined
towards holding back supplies. Chinese army leaders have an explanation for
that situation, but many Chinese and American officials do not see eye to eye
about it."
In the same issue of The Shanghai Evening Post and Mercury, in an editorial
(p. 4), it is stated:
"The foregoing hard realities (military) and many others, notably the alarm-
ing inflationary situation and growing malnutrition affecting even the Chinese
army, must be faced. There are other factors of encouraging sort. Nowhere,
it is agreed, is there any sign of surrender to or appeasement of the Japanese.
(Neither is there much sign that a war is on, aside from high prices and short-
ages— and 'fighting fronts' in China are mostly nonexistent except sporadically.)"
In August 1943, Reader's Digest published an article entitled "Too Much
Wishful Thinking About China," written by Hanson W. Baldwin, military
1638 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
analyst of the New York Times. The author discussed the average American's
conceptions of China, and states (pp. 63, 64) :
"Unfortunately, the China of such dreams is far from reality. Missionaries,
war-relief drives, able ambassadors, and the movies have oversold us. China
has become not merely China but the royal road to victory in the Pacific.
"China has needed no such overselling. Her people are plainly courageous ;
their patient fortitude and philosophic resignation are unmatched. But an
enumeration of her virtues should not blind us to her weaknesses : above all,
it should not lead us to a fallacious conception of Pacific strategy."
*******
"She has as yet no real army as we understand the term ; most of her troops
are poorly led and incapable of effectively utilizing modern arms. They require
intensive and protracted training, and capable leaders bound together by a
common loyalty to a common cause. Today there are few such leaders ; too
many of them are still old war lords, in new clothing, for whom war is a means
for personal aggrandizement and enrichment.
"The truth about China — known to a few, but not to millions of Americans —
is that the military situation there today is bad, has been bad for two years,
and will probably continue to be bad for some years to come."
*******
"The Chinese communiques are almost worthless for obtainng a true picture.
Had they suffered even half the casualties the Chinese have claimed, the Japa-
nese would by now have given evidence of a manpower shortage. Sometimes the
Chinese report battles where there are no battles ; often they exalt skirmishes
and guerrilla fighting to the status of campaigns. In the recent Tungting Lake-
Ichang fighting, for example, the Japanese almost certainly never intended —
as reports from China claimed — to try to take Chungking. Their objective
patently was the rich Chinese rice-bowl region around Tungting Lake ; they
took some of it, sacked it and retired. Yet Chinese communiques interpreted the
Japanese retirement as a great victory."
In quoting these above statements, we neither endorse nor criticize them.
They are presented simply to disprove the assertion that in discussing the situa-
tion in China the I R followed any "line," Communist or otherwise. The logical
fallacy in attempting to prove by analogy was pointed out by Miss Buck in a letter
to the New York Herald Tribune, published August 20, 1043. She begins by stat-
ing that she had welcomed Rodney Gilbert's reply (Herald Tribune, August 16
and 17, 1043) to Mr. Baldwin's Reader's Digest article. Then Miss Buck says:
"Mr. Gilbert himself, however, falls into the easy error of oversimplification.
That is, because one objects to Fascist tendencies in China, as one objects to them
elsewhere, he leaps to the conclusion that one must be pro-Communist. This
tendency to oversimplification is everywhere seen in these peculiar times in
which we live."
Contrary to the pattern laid down by Mr. Kohlberg, IPR publications during
the summer and fall of 1043 contained material favorable to or praising the
Chinese authorities. Among others, the following should be noted :
The Far Eastern Survey for July 28, 1043 — the issue immediately succeeding
that containing Bisson's article — carries a leading editorial article praising a set
of principles enunciated by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek on July 7. 1043. The
following quotations from this editorial article are pertinent :
"The destiny of China is one and the same as that of the United Nations — so is
China's policy. Those are the words of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, spoken
on the occasion of the sixth anniversary of the war in China.
"What China sees as her policy and her destiny is that of contributing her full
strength, not only to bring the war to ;i success i'-il conclusion, but also to establish
a strong postwar organization which will ensure the peace.
«* * * jjjS (Chiang Kai-shek's) statement of China's hopes in this connec-
tion is forthright and challenging, and deserves wider attention than it has had
in the American press." There follows a long series of quotations from Chiang
Kai-shek's address (pp. 147-48).
This editorial article was signed by Catherine Porter, editor <>f the Far Eastern
Survey. It would indicate that the editor of the Survey was not seeking to
include only materials critical of < Ihina in the magazine during this period.
In a friendly analysis entitled "China's Political Development" (Far Eastern
Survey, October 6, 1043), N. C. Liu, Professor of Political Science at National
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1639
Wuhan University of China, discusses the meaning of "democracy," and its
applications in China. He concludes by saying:
"From the foregoing paragraphs, we may conclude that, since the downfall of
the monarchy, popular support for the republic has always been strong and that
the foundation for democratic government is thereby firmly laid; that we have
for the moment, indeed, only a partially representative government hut we are
ready to organize true responsible government in the near future; that restric-
tions are, to be sure, being imposed on popular rights and liberties in wartime, but
these will be swept away in time of peace; that, as the different parties are now
reconciled, there is no reason to suppose that they cannot adjust their political
differences in time to come; and that, as we had the traditional form of popular
participation in local affairs, legal codification is certainly a step forward. In
short, it may be accurate to say that China, being a republic, is dedicated to and
will make great strides toward democracy in the world of tomorrow."
The September 1&43 issue of Pacific Affairs, the first issue of this quarterly
which followed publication of Bisson's article, contains an article by Guenther
Srein entitled "Free China's Agricultural Progress." The first sentence of this
article reads: "The collection of rice and wheat, partly by way of land tax pay-
ments in kind and partly by compulsory purchase, has become one of the most
successful economic policies of the Chinese Government." Statistical data given
in the rest of the article is devoted mainly to proving the thesis stated in the first
sentence, although the conclusion stresses the need for agrarian reforms (pp.
339-343).
This article would again indicate thai the IPR publications of the period were
not concentrating on abuse of the Chinese central government.
Many of the criticisms contained in the Bisson article had been voiced by the
Chinese themselves. Sun Fo, president of the Legislative Yuan and Kuomintang
leader, spoke as follows on September 8, 1942 (eight months before the Bisson
article), in a lecture delivered at Chungking:
•At present, grain collection has not yet reached its saturation point; the sys-
tem employed in levying and buying needs to be much improved. The share
contributed by most of the landowning class is still too light, while self-cultiva-
tors and tenant farmers are bearing too heavy a burden. Landowners as a
whole have reaped large fortunes these few years ; those who collect their rent
in kind and receive grain amounting to several hundred piculs a year are living
lavishly. Big landlords are proportionally much better off than in prewar days."
"* * * At present, big landlords are acquiring real estate with their unused
and unusable wealth from small landowners, mostly self -cultivators, so that the
wealth produced on the land becomes harmful rather than beneficial to the nation.
If they invested their money in industries, it would be quite different. P»ut in-
stead of doing so, they buy more and more farm lands. Land values are thus
bolstered up ten, twenty, fifty times ; but the agricultural products gathered
therefrom cannot be increased in any such proportion. Hence, nine-tenths of
the money sunk in such investments is lying idle from the nation's point of
view ; and, what is worse, the cost of rice, and with it the general cost of living,
are artificially raised to incredible heights in order to pay proper interest on
their uneconomic investments" (Sun Fo, China Looks Forward, John Day, 1944,
pp. 145-146).
Sun Fo is not averse to using the word "feudal," which Kohlberg takes excep-
tion to in the Bisson article. On page 224 he writes : "Not only the traditional
system of land tenure which still smacks of peasant feudalism, but also the
antiquated and inefficient method of small-farm individual tilling shall be
abandoned, and in their places substitutes state or common ownership of land
and collective and cooperative cultivation."
Note that in the first of the above quotations, Sun Fo is extremely critical of
the grain tax in kind. But Guenther Stein, one of the IPR writers cited by
Kohlberg, wrote favorably in Pacific Affairs (as cited above) of the grain collec-
tions. In this case, the "critical" IPR writer falls behind Sun Fo in his
criticism.
Sun Fo is also highly critical of the political repression and lack of democracy
which characterizes the Kuomintang Government at Chungking. On pages 108-
109 of China Looks Forward, he writes :
"Unfortunately, we have in the past assumed unwillingly the attitude and habit
of a ruling caste. The suppression of outside criticism against our party, and
even critisism by our party members is less than one percent of the Chinese popu-
lation. The Kuomintang is simply a minority in terms of population. But we
1640 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
have come to regard ourselves as if we were the sovereign power entitled to the
enjoyment of a special position and to the suppression of all criticism whatsoever
against us. It is dictatorship and tyranny which the peoples of the world today
are trying to destroy by means of sacrifices of their lives, and blood. For these
reasons, we must, first of all, reorientate our psychology and correct our attitude
of intolerance."
On page 119 of China Looks Forward he writes :
"I think there is something wrong with our method of approach. The San-
Min-Chu-I Youth Corps is supposed to train and organize the promising youth of
the nation for national service and leadership. This is done by instituting politi-
cal training and military discipline. Instead of guiding them to think for them-
selves, it has been drilling them to repeat by rote the San-Min-Chu-I political
creed. Instead of teaching them the methods of democratic practice and leader-
ship, it has been imposing upon them military regimentation in the name of
discipline. Discipline, of course, is required to habituate them to law and order.
But the thing may be overdone. As a result, the people we are turning out from
the various training centers become rather like puppets. The first thing they
learn to perfection is how to click heels at the mention of, or mere reference to,,
the Supreme Leader. Heel-clicking may be proper in the army, but it is not
appropriate in a democratic country. For instance, you don't see Englishmen
jumping up from their seats and clicking their heels at the mere mention of their
sovereign's name, or have you ever seen or heard that Americans at home or
abroad would click heels every time President Roosevelt's name is mentioned,
even at their political party meetings? The only examples of such practice that
I know of were Russian emigre officers when they spoke of their dead Czar, and
the German Nazis heil-Hitlering their Fuhrer. But why should we adopt the
outmoded practice of the Czarist Russians or imitate the behavior of our Nazi
enemies?"
P. 26 "Japan's Army on China's Fronts," Gucnther Stein, Far Eastern Survey,
July 14, 1943
Mr. Kohlberg here uses comparative "official Chinese figures" to prove that
Guenther Stein underestimated the number of Japanese troops in China. He
fails to note, however, that Guenther Stein's material was broadcast by short
wave from the Chinese government's station at Chungking. As such, his figures
were subject to censorship. If there was any marked discrepancy, the official
censors would doubtless have acted, especially on a matter dealing so closely
with military affairs. Actually, the discrepancy is more apparent than real .
Guenther Stein counted a total of 30 Japanese divisions "in use" at a given
moment. Kohlberg's figures state that 42 divisions were "used" in 1943, but not
all of these may have been "in use" at the time Stein made his estimate — based,
incidentally, on Chinese official sources.
P. 26 Far Eastern Survey, May 3, 194-i
Here Mr. Kohlberg quotes from a statement by Sun Fo as cited in the Survey.
His quotations carefully eliminate the serious political charges against the
Kuomintang made by Sun Fo in this statement. The quotations in the Survey
give Sun Fo's full meaning. A comparison of Mr. Kohlberg's selection with the
Survey article in this case offers the most striking evidence of bias on the part
of Mr. Kohlberg and not on the part of the Survey. He states one side ; the
Survey states both.
Mr. Kohlberg then omits all quotation from a parallel statement by Raymond
Gram Swing included in this Survey article.
P. 31 Behind the Open Door, by Foster Rhea Dulles
Mr. Kohlberg cites two paragraphs from this booklet, which run to 32 pages.
The citations indicate that the Soviet Union signed the neutrality treaty with
Japan "to protect Russia's eastern flank in order that she might be the more free
to defend her western front against the far greater menace of Germany." They
also state that both the United States and the Soviet Union "are equally con-
cerned in the defeat of Japan and the creation of a strong, independent China.
There should therefore be no conflict in the post-war policies of these two great
powers fronting the Pacific. It is highly important that they should reach a full
understanding on all Far Eastern problems. A cordial American-Russian rela-
tionship would contribute much to the future peace of Asia."
It is difficult, indeed, to find anything objectionable in these statements.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1641
Exhirit No. 71
COMPARISON (il MCCABTHY AND KoHLREKG
Kohlberg
Appointed Editor Pacific Affairs, 1934.
Accompanied E. C. Carter to Moscow.
"This trip apparently completed his
conversion to an admiration of the So-
viet Union's system of government"
(China Monthly. Oct. 1945).
"Lattimore told a friend (Freda Ut-
ley) in London in 1930 that he almost
lost his job for publishing an article
by Harold Isaacs, a Trotskyite" (China
Monthly, Oct. 1945).
"Lattimore continued with other du-
ties including service on the editorial
hoard of AMERASIA and the editorship
of Pacific Affair* until 1941" (China
Monthly, Oct. 1945).
Kohlberg's version of the Communist
line as allegedly followed by IPR and
IPR publications in reference to Chi-
nese government.
(Letter from Alfred Kohlberg dated
March 18, 1947, to members of AIPR :)
(1) "Beginning 1„37 and up to the
end of 1939, the IPR articles uniformly
praised the government of Chiang Kai-
Shek."
(2) "After the Hitler-Stalin alliance
of Aug. 23, 1939, the IPR soured on
Chiang Kai-shek and by 1941 were stat-
ing that in the government of China
'uncertain quarters were "pro-Nazi"
and were "willing to make peace with
Japan." 'Fascist ideas were popular-
ized among and praised by Kuomintang
members' ' (Compare Lattimore's
secret letter to E. C. Carter in the en-
closed article from Plain Talk).
(3) "Then came the day that shook
the pro-Communist world when Hitler
invaded Russia, June 22, 1941. That
day was a Sunday if I remember cor-
rectly and it caught Frederick V. Field,
formerly Secretary and now member
of the Executive Committee of the IPR
leading the picket line in front of the
White House with placards proclaiming
'FDR is a War-Monger. * * *'
This same day caught the IPR and the
Communist press equally flatfooted.
So the IPR and Communist line
switched again to the most fulsome
praise of Chiang Kai-shek and the
Kuomintang. * * * No longer did
they charge Chiang Kai-shek with
'negotiating to join the Axis.' This
praise of Chiang Kai-shek's government
continued until the summer of 1943."
(4) "Beginning in the summer of
1943, both IPR and the Communist
press changed to abuse of China."
McCarthy
McCarthy notes somewhere on page
231-35 in a hearing that Lattimore was
editor of Pacific Affairs from 1 !i: ',4-1941 .
McCarthy, in a hearing (p. 194)
quotes from Freda Utley's book Lost
Illusion "he [Lattimore] told me a few
months later in London how he almost
lost his position as Editor of Pacific
Affairs because he had published an ar-
ticle by the Trotskyist, Harold Isaacs.''
P. 220 (Hearing Record) introduced
Exhibit L-2 which connected Lattimore
with Amerasia editorial board.
(Page 4440, Cong. Record, March 30,
1950:) "In 1935 at the World Commu-
nist meeting in Moscow * * * the
so-called United Front or Trojan horse
policy was adopted — a policy calling
for the Communists to combine with
the governments in power and to get
into strategic positions so that Moscow
could control or at least exert influence
on governments in question. At this
time in 1935 * * * Chiang Kai-
shek made an agreement with the Chi-
nese Communists.
"From 1935 to 1939 the Communist
line was pro-Chiang Kai-shek.
"In 1939 after the signing of the
Hitler-Stalin Pact and the Stalin-Mat-
souka Pact, the Communist Party line
again became anti-Chiang Kai-shek.
"As the Senate will recall, this con-
tinued until June 22, 1941, the day Hitler
invaded Russia, at which time the Com-
munist Party line again switched and
was pro-Chiang Kai-shek.
"This continued until 1943. The
Senate will recall the Russian victory
at Stalingrad in the early spring of
1943 and the reversal in the course of
the war at that point. * * * The
Communist Party line again definitely
became anti-Chiang Kai-shek."
1642
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Lattimore Defended Purse Trials
(China Monthly, Oct. 1945) : The real
point, of course, for those who live in
democratic countries, is whether the
discovery of the conspiracies was a
triumph for democracy or not. I think
that can he easily determined. The ac-
counts of the most widely read Moscow
correspondents all emphasize that since
'the close scrutiny of every person in a
responsible position, folowing the trials,
a great many abuses have been dis-
covered and rectified. A lot depends on
whether you emphasize the discovery of
the abuse or the rectification of it ; but
habitual rectification can hardly do any-
thing but give the ordinary citizen more
courage to protest, loudly, whenever in
the future he finds himself being vic-
timized by "someone in the party" or
'■someone in the Government." That
sounds to me like democracy. Pacific
Affairs, Sept. 1938, p. 371.
Book jacket Solution In Asia quoted
by Kohlberg (China Monthly, Oct.
1945) : He shows that all the Asiatic
peoples are more interested in actual
democratic practices, such as they see
in action across the Russian border,
than they are in the fine theories of
Anglo-Saxon democracies which come
coupled with ruthless imperialism. He
inclines to support American newspaper-
men wlio report that the only real de-
mocracy in China is found in Commu-
nist areas.
Solution in Asia. The jacket.
Article, "I. P. R. — Tokyo Axis" by
Sheppard Marley in Plain Talk, Dec. 19,
1946 (attached). In which was dis-
cussed IPR as action and pressure
group.
Letter to Watertown Daily Times,
Watertown, N. Y., Dec. 6, 1946: At-
tacked Lattimore for his alleged shift in
attitude toward Chiang between 1943
and 1946.
Letter to members of IPR. March 18,
1947: "Members of our Board of Trus-
tees and our Staff managed to get con-
trol of the Far Eastern Division of the
State Dept., UXRRA, and OWI where
they loaded all three with pro-Com-
munists. Two of them, < Kvi'ii Lattimore
and John Carter Vincent, accompanied
Henry Wallace to China in 1!>44 and
talked that adolescent into reporting to
Roosevelt that 'we were backing the
wrong horse in China. * * *' "
On page 237 of the Hearing Record
McCarthy says: "Mr. Lattimore praised
the net result of tbe Moscow trials and
the blood purge by which Stalin se-
cured his dictatorship in 1936-1939 'as
a triumph for democracy.' "
I Page 4447, Cong. Record, March 30,
1950) : "This is what the editor says
about the book : 'He shows that all
Asiatic people are more interested in
actual democratic practices such as the
ones they can see in action across the
Russian border than they are in the
fine theories of Anglo-Saxon democra-
cies which come coupled with ruthless
imperialism. * * *' He inclines to
support American newspapermen who
report that the only real democracy in
China is found in Communist areas."
Article read into record by McCarthy
( Pages 4461 to 4463, Cong. Record ) .
(Cong. Record, p. 4441 :) •'The Senate
will recall the date of this letter, June
15, 1943, the time when Chiang Kai-
shek was our very badly needed ally in
the Pacific. * * * It was at this
time that Lattimore sends this highly
secret letter in which he twice urges the
strictest secrecy lie followed in getting
rid of any Chinese who are loyal to our
ally, Chiang Kai-shek. * * *"
(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "In 1944 he
I Lattimore] and John Carter Vincent
accompanied Henry Wallace on a tour
of China after which Wallace made his
report to the State Dept., recommend-
ing tlit- torpedoing on Chiang Kai-shek."
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1643
"Owen Lattimore, Director, School of
Internationa] Relations, Johns Hopkins
University. Advisor to Pros. Roosevelt,
Pres. Truman, Henry Wallace, was
connected with pro-Communist Nat'l
Emergency Conference for Protection
of Human Rights; Washington Com-
mittee to Aid China, Writers Congress.
Defense of Moscow Purge Trials, Asso-
ciate editor of Amerasia. Maintains
liaison with heads of Communist
Party. Reportedly operative for So-
viet Military Intelligence in Far East."
See previous statement by Kohlberg.
(China Monthly, Oct. 1948:) "Latti-
more, head of OWI Far East Division,
San Francisco, sent orders to his su-
perior in New York (Joseph F. Barnes,
later Foreign Editor N. Y. Herald
Tribune * * *) to fire all Chinese
staff members who sympathized with
their own government and replace them
with Communist from the newly
launched New China Daily News, New
York Chinese language daily."
(Hearing Record, pp. 259-62:) As-
sociates Lattimore with Maryland Asso.
for Democratic Rights which he alleges
to he an affiliate of the Nat'l Emer-
gency Conference for Democratic
Rights.
Principal speaker at meeting of
Wash. Committee for Aid to China.
On Oct. 1, 2, 3, of 1943 meeting of
Writers Congress and Hollywood Writ-
ers of Mobilization at the Univ. of
Calif., L. A., campus in Westwood "ap-
pearing as the representative of the
Office of War Information was Mr.
Owen Lattimore."
"In the magazine Pacific Affairs of
Sept. 1938, Owen Lattimore described
the Moscow Purge Trials as a 'triumph
for Democracy.' "
(Pages 333-334, Hearing Record:)
"It perhaps should be mentioned here
that Owen Lattimore was formerly an
editor of Amerasia.
(Page 4445, Cong. Rec. :) "The tes-
timony will be that the head of the
Russian Intelligence told this witness
[the Russian General] * * * that
they were having excellent success
through the Institute of Pacific Rela-
tions which the Soviet Intelligence
through Communists in the U. S. had
taken over. In connection with this he
particularly mentioned Owen Latti-
more. * * * "
(Cong. Record, p. 4440:) "This is a
letter * * * dated 6-15-1943 which
is when the line had again swung to
anti-Chiang Kai-shek. This is a letter
from Owen Lattimore, Director of
Pacific Operations, OWI. The odd thing
is that he is writing to his boss in the
government service, telling the story to
him, not writing to someone who is
working for him. * * *
"In it he directs the recipient of the
letter to get rid of the Chinese in OWI
who were loyal to either the Nationalist
gov't or Wang Ching-wei. * * *
"He then issues instructions that the
personnel be recruited from the share-
holders of the New China Daily News,
a Chinese Communist paper in New
York."
(Cong. Record, p. 4460 :) "In 1947 one
of the members of the Board [of IPR],
one of the good American members in-
sisted that there be an investigation to
determine the extent to which the Com-
munists had taken over control of the
American Council of IPR."
68970— 50— pt. 2-
-11
1644
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
(China Monthly, Dec. 1049, p. 243:)
"The White Paper and the State Dept.
categorically deny that Vice President
Wallace made any written report to
Pres. Roosevelt on his return from
China. In spite of this denial, Amb.
Hurley states that he read Mr. Wal-
lace's report which was shown to him
by John Carter Vincent who accom-
panied Wallace."
(China Monthly, Sept. 1946, p. 325:)
"Editorial suggestions (according to the
introduction) were made by John Haz-
ard, Owen Lattimore, Joseph Barnes,
Albert Rhys Taylor, and Dr. Treadwell
Smith. * * *"
Kohlberg's article "China via Stilwell
Road," China Monthly, Oct. 1948, has
the central idea that Stilwell was a
sucker for Owen Lattimore and others
such as Theodore White, John Fairbank,
and Joseph Barnes.
(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "Inciden-
tally in this connection the State Dept.
issued a press release * * * denying
the existence of such a report and stat-
ing as follows :"
(Article entitled "Who Is Respon-
sible for Chinese Tragedy" China
Monthly, Dec. 1949:) Main thesis is
that a pro-Soviet clique headed by
Dean Acheson was responsible for
yielding China to Communists.
(Letter to members of IPR. March
18, 1947 : ) "Our Board of Trustees (47)
scattered all over the country never
meets. The Executive Committee (10)
is chairmaned by a Californian who
never attends. The connections of the
others are as per attached sheet. Most
of our Trustees are of course not Com-
munists. * * *
(China Monthly, Dec. 1949:) "The
White Paper reveals in reports of Em-
bassy attaches Ludden, Davies, Service,
and George Atcheson a determination
to discredit, the National Government
and to build up a picture of the Chinese
Communists as ardent fighters for de-
mocracy."
(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) Upon his
return from this trip, Henry Wallace
wrote a book entitled Soviet Asia
Mission in which he pay tribute to
Owen Lattimore for his invaluable
assistance.
(Cong. Record, p. 4445:) "I think
Lattimore was as much responsible if
not more so for Stilwell's activities in
China than any other one individual."
(Cong. Record, p. 4446:) "He [a mys-
tery witness] points out that : the Lat-
timore crowd was responsible for the
indoctrination of Stilwell against
Chiang Kai-shek."
(Cong. Record, p. 4445:) "* * * I
am sure that if the Senator will sit
here and will listen to the material
which I am presenting he will be con-
vinced that the clique of Lattimore,
Jessup, and Service has been respon-
sible, almost completely — under Ache-
son of course — for what went on in the
Far East. * * *"
(Cong. Record, p. 4463:) "Since its
creation it has had on both Board of
Trustees and Executive Committee a
very sizeable number of outstanding
and loyal Americans. Membership on
the Board of Trustees or on the Execu-
tive Committee in no way in and of it-
self indicates any Communist sympa-
thies or leanings. * * * However,
as far as I know, the Board actually
never meets but does its business by
having the various members send in
their proxies.
(Cong. Record, p. 4447:) "* * *
the reports from its foreign service of-
ficials in China during the war as given
in the White Paper read like extracts
from Lattimore's books. * * * These
Chinese Communists are represented
by Lattimore and his friends in the
State Dept., as 'democrats', 'liberal
agrarian reformers', 'progressives not
under Moscow's direction' or more re-
cently as 'detachable from' Soviet
Russia."
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1645
(China Monthly. A.ug. 1949:) "Under
Philip Jessup's direction the Far East-
ern Survey of July 14, 1943, the first
blast in the campaign against the Na-
tionalist government of China was pub-
lished." "Referring to what is called
the two Chinas, it said in an article
Signed by T. A. Bisson. * * •"
(China Monthly, Any. 1949:) "One
is now generally called Kuomintang
China, the other is called Communist
China. However, these are only Party
labels. To be more descriptive, the one
might be called feudal China, the other
democratic China." (Bisson's state-
ment ) .
"This theme song of Democratic Com-
munist China and 'feudal fascist reac-
tionary' Nationalist China was taken
up the following month by the Daily
Worker, the New Masses, and others."
(China Monthly, Aug. 1949:) "When
charges of Communist-line activities
were made against the 1PR in 1947 he
signed a letter denying the charges and
questioning motives behind such
charges. When the question of ap-
pointing a committee to investigate
came before a membership meeting, he
voted against any investigation."
(China Monthly, Aug. 1949, p. 168:)
"Professor Jessup must therefore be
honored by our State Dept., as the initi-
ator of the smear campaign against Na-
tionalist China and Chiang Kai-shek,
and the originator of the myth of the
democratic Chinese Communists."
(China Monthly, August 1949,
168:) Communist fronts sponsored
Jessup according to Kohlberg :
The American-Russian Institute
National Emergency Conference
American Law Students Asso.
Nat'l Emergency Conference for
ocratie Rights
Coordinating Committee to Lift
Embargo
P.
by
Dem-
(Cong. Record, p. 4463:) "The first
blast in this campaign was fired in Jes-
sup's publication on July 14, 1943, in an
article signed by T. A. Bisson."
"Under him [Dr. Jessup] the Council
bi-weekly publication, Far Eastern Sur-
vey, pioneered the smear campaign
against Chiang Kai-shek, and the idea
the Communists in China were merely
agrarian reformers and not Commu-
nists at all."
(Page 4464:) "Prof. Jessup must,
therefore, be credited by the American
people with having pioneered the smear
campaign against Nationalist China
and Chiang Kai-shek, and with being
the originator of the myth of the "Demo-
cratic" Chinese Communists. From
that time onward we witness the spec-
tacle of this 3-horse team of smears and
untruths thundering down the stretch —
Jessup's publications, Far Eastern Sur-
vey, the Daily Worker, and Isvestzia."
(Jessup) (Cong. Record, p. 4460:)
"In 1947 one of the members of the
board, one of the good American mem-
bers, insisted that there be an investi-
gation to determine extent to which
the Communists had taken over con-
trol of the American Council of IRP
[sic]. That was very vigorously op-
posed. Keep in mind that at that time
Frederick V. Field was a member of the
Board. Hiss was then a member or was
shortly thereafter. One of the men who
vigorously protested, and sent a letter
over his name, which I have, objecting
strenuously to any such investigation,
was our Ambassador at Large, Philip
Jessup."
(Cong. Record, p. 4464:) "Prof. Jes-
sup must, therefore, be credited by the
American people with having pioneered
the smear campaign against Nationalist
China and Chiang Kai-shek, and with
being the originator of the myth of the
'democratic' Chinese Communists."
(Cong. Record, p. 4465:) McCarthy's
list:
American Law Students Asso.
United Students Peace Conference
Nat'l Emergency Conference for Dem-
ocratic Rights
National Emergency Conference
the
1646 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
(China Monthly, August, 1949, p. (Cong. Record, p. 4465:) "I have in
168 •) "[Jessup was] signer of letter in my hand a photostat of the N. Y. Times
the N Y. Times, Feb. 16, 1946, urging dated Feb. 16, 1946. * * * In this
'the cessation of atomic bomb produc- letter the brilliant Dr. Jessup urges not
tion > » only that we quit producing atomic
bombs but that we eliminate the neces-
sary ingredients which were produced
for the atomic bomb by 'means such as
dumping them in the ocean.' "
(Letter to Mr. E. C. Carter Dec. 26, (Cong. Record, p. 4464-65:) "The
1946:) "In my opinion this organization magazine Amerasia about whose Com-
( Committee for a Democratic Far East- munist line there can be no question for
ern Policy) ■ was set up by the a period of time had its offices right
IPR. * * * just as much as Amer- next to the offices of the Jessup publi-
asia was (which was also not officially cation for IPR."
connected although it made its office
with you in the early years)."
Exhibit No. 72
A CONFERENCE ON DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS
June 14 and 15, 1940, at the Parish Hall of Emmanuel Church, Cathedral and
Read Streets, Baltimore, Maryland
"freedom of religion, speech, press, assembly ... no unreasonable
search ... no arrest without warrant . . . right to trial by
jury . . . equal protection to all persons."
Called by Maryland Association for Democratic Rights, 19 Medical Arts Building
Program
friday evening, june 14
Opening Meeting 8 : 30 p. m.
"Democratic Rights and National Defense"
Presiding Chairman: Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Temporary Vice Chairman,
Maryland Association for Democratic Rights.
Speakers:
Josephine Truslow Adams, Swarthmore College, Descendants of the American
Revolution.
Walter White, Secretary, National Association for the Advancement of Col-
ored People.
Charles I. Stewart, Member New York Board of Education, Director Ameri-
can Union for Democracy, Inc.
Morris Watson, Vice President, American Newspaper Guild.
SATURDAY AFTERNOON, JUNE 15
Registration 1 : 00 p. m.
General Session 1 : 30-2 : 00 p. m.
Presiding Chairman: Rev. Theodore P. Ferris.
Address: Samuel L. M. Barlow, National Emergency Conference for Democratic
Rights.
Round Table Discussions 2 : 00-4 : 00 p. m.
ROUND TARLE I. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND LABOR
Issues Involved : National Defense and Civil Liberties ; the industrial mobiliza-
tion plan ; legislation and trade-unions ; antitrust prosecutions :
Chairman: Merle Vincent, President, Washington Committee for Democratic
Action.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
1647
Speakers:
Richard Lindsley, United Electrical Radio & Machine Workers.
Charles W. Mitzel, Brotherhood of Railway Trainmen.
George Engeman, Baltimore Newspaper Guild.
Harry Cohen, President, Teamsters Joint Council No. 62, A. F. of L.
ROUNO TABLE II. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND MINORITIES
Issues involved : The attack upon the foreign born ; Discrimination against the
Negro; the anti-lynehing Bill; anti-Semitism; civil rights of political minori-
ties ; intellectual freedom in the schools.
Chairman: Dean George C. Grant, Morgan State College.
Spcakeis:
Alan Cranston, Foreign Language Information Service.
Dr. Floyd Banks, Morgan State College.
E. Foster Dowell, Hollins College.
Wilfred T. McQuaid, Attorney.
ROUND TABLE III. DEMOCRATIC RIGHTS AND THE CHURCH
Issues involved : The Church and intolerance ; religion in a democratic society ;
freedom of speech for the clergy ; the responsibility of the Church in the face
of attacks upon minorities.
Chairman: Jesse A. Stanfield, Council of the Fellowship of reconciliation.
Speakers:
Rev. Gottleib Siegenthaler, Pastor, St. Matthew's Evangelical Reform
Church.
Roland Watts, President, Baltimore Peace Congress.
Rev. Jolm O. Spencer, Former President, Morgan State College ; Former
Chairman, Maryland Interracial Commission.
Business Session 4 : 00-5 : 30 p. m.
Reports by the Chairmen of Round Tables, with recommendations for action.
Election of Officers and Executive Committee.
The purposes of the Round Table Discussions will be :
(1) To point out the dangers threatening civil rights and the security of
democratic institutions in daily life and in the legislative assemblies of the
state and nation ;
(2) To determine the best and most fruitful methods of coping with these
dangers, suggesting a program of action to be developed by churches, schools,
labor unions, fraternal orders and other organizations.
Maryland Association for Democratic Rights
Affiliated to the National Emergency Conferenc for Democratic Rights
Franz Boas, National Honorary Chairman
TEMPORARY OFFICERS
Wm. F. Cochran, Chairman
Rev. Theodore P. Ferris, Vice Chairman
Edna R. Walls, Secretary
Albert Lion, Jr., Treasurer
Bert L. Clarke, Executive Secretary
Mr. & Mrs. Leo Alpert
Mr. & Mrs. I. Duke Avnet
Dr. Floyd Bank
Walter Bohanan ■
Gertrude C. Bussey
Marthe-Ann Chapman
Savilla Cogswell
J. Marjorie Cook
Mrs. Henry E. Corner
Dorothy Currie
SPONSORS OF THE CONFERENCE
Fred D'Avila
Carrington L. Davis
Mrs. Emond S. Donoho
Jacob J. Edelman
Daniel Ellison
Dr. Ernst Feise
Mr. & Mrs. Bliss Forbush
Dr. Jonas Friedenwald
Helen Garvin
Mrs. Leon Ginsberg
Mr. & Mrs. A. Goldman
Richard Goodman
Sarah Hartman
Mary Hastings
Dr. Dwight O. W. Holmes
Mrs. Anne G. Huppman
Owen Lattimore
Mrs. Owen Lattimore
Clare Leighton
Edward S. Lewis
1648 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
sponsors of the conference — continued
Dr. & Mrs. Richard Lyman Maizie Rappaport H. Bowen Smith
Charles W. Mitzel Leon Rubenstein William Smith
Dr. Samuel Morrison Dr. Leon Sachs Win. F. Stark
Samuel R. Morsell C. A. B. Shreve Arthur K. Taylor
Rev. Joseph S. Nowak, Jr. Dr. Henry E. Sigerist
In his last speech to the Senate the late Senator William E. Borah said:
"So long as the Bill of Rights stands and is preserved in its integrity, so long
as we live up to its terms and conditions, there can be no denial of free speech,
of free press, no religious persecution, no arbitrary government, no concentration
camps, no breaking into homes, no unlawful arrests, no denial of personal liberty.
When so-called emergency legislation strikes at this sacred document in any
particular it should be stricken down without hesitancy. If doubts are to be
indulged in, they should be resolved against all possible encroachments."
This Conference has been called to provide an opportunity in these difficult,
hysterical times for people to stop and think things out clearly, for what is needed
now is clarity and courage, not suspicion and fear. The Maryland Association
for Democratic Rights hopes and believes that individuals and organizations
will want to join with it in its program for the defense of democratic institutions.
Exhibit No. 73
(Note. — The excerpts from letters included within this exhibit reflect the views
of the outstanding scholars and experts on Far Eastern history and politics.
Some of these letters were mailed directly to Mr. or Mrs. Lattimore or Mr. Lat-
timore's attorneys, and others are copies of letters sent to various Members of
Congress, the copies being sent to Mr. or Mrs. Lattimore or Mr. Lattimore's
attorneys.)
Excerpts From Letters and Telegrams From Scholars With a Professional
Knowledge of Owen Lattimore's Work
Nathaniel Peffer, Prof, of International Relations, Columbia Univ. Author:
Basis for Peace in the Far East; America's Place in the World.
I think if you canvass all the Far Eastern people in this country, including
all who have known Lattimore long and well, that you will have an almost
unanimous vote of confidence as to his character and integrity. I doubt whether
you will find anybody in that class in whose mind the question has ever arisen.
To say that he is a Russian agent is fantastic or lunatic. In any event it
mu,st be clear that the effect on himself, his family, and his career is or can be
tragic. In that sense the whole episode is dreadfully unfair.
If I seem to use strong language, please believe me, it is not stronger than
the feeling of most of us.
Derk Bodde, Asso. Prof, of Chinese, Univ. of Penna. Author: China's First
Unifier, etc.
I hope you will forgive me for speaking my mind very strongly but I can no
longer refrain from expressing my disgust and abhorrence at the antics taking
place in Washington which have culminated in the case of Owen Lattimore.
Knowing Mr. Lattimore as I have for many years, the charges are so utterly
ridiculous that it is hard for me to believe that any seriously minded person
can take them at their face value. If they deserved a hearing at all, the least
that could be done, on the grounds of common decency, would be to conduct the
hearings in camera. The present policy of splashing them across the headlines
of the world press not only throws unjustified villiftcation on loyal Americans who
are doing their best for their country, and drives intelligent men out of govern-
ment employment at a time when their knowledge and skills are most needed.
It also weakens our foreign policy by presenting the outside world with a pic-
ture of a divided America, and most important of all. makes a farce of the demo-
cratic process as it operates in this country. I speak with some feeling on
this last point, having recently returned from a year in China where I had the
chance to have contacts with numerous non-Communist Chinese intellectuals
who were once favorably disposed to the United States but no longer are so
today. I can well imagine these men, as they read the accounts of the Washing-
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1649
ton investigations well played up in the Chinese Communist press, saying to
themselves: "If this is the best American democracy can show for itself, we
want no part of it." In short, what is new happening in Washington provides
Communists in China and elsewhere with unparalleled anti-American propa-
ganda.
Paul M. A. Ltnerargeh, Professor of Asiatic Politics, School of Advanced Inter-
national Studies, Washington, D. C. Author : The Political Doctrines of Sun
Tat-Sen; The Ch'nia of Chiang Kai-Shek, etc.:
Having opposed the views of Owen Lattimore for some years with respect
to America's China policy, 1 feel that I am entitled to protest the fantastic way
in which Lattimore has heen injured without opportunity of previous hearing
or of subsequent redress commensurate to the damage done him.
I have opposed the weak and silly policy of the State Department toward the
Kuomintang, which I respect. I have regarded the Marshall mission as a wild-
goose chase. I have supported the pro-Chiang and anti-Lattimore viewpoint
for some years. But I draw the line at hearing the issue in this fashion.
If Lattimore is a "master spy," the Saturday Evening Post is a voice of Mos-
cow, General Marshall a traitor, and Elmer Davis a rascal.
There is a case against Lattimore's views. I have tried to make it as a
Federal Employee, as a G-2 officer in Stilwell's headquarters, as a Joint Chiefs
of Staff liaison officer to the OWI, and as a postwar private scholar. But the
case is one which can be made honestly against the views. To make it a charge
against the man reduces our republican and democratic processes to absurdity.
Allow me, sir, as a known opponent of Lattimore's viewpoint, to protest the
tactless melodrama with which he has been attacked. The Senate of the United
States will be the ultimate sufferer if careful and exact justice is not done
in this case.
May I recommend, sir, that when the charges of Senator McCarthy are aired
and dismissed, the Senate of the United States consider a resolution of apology
to each individual who has been hurt by this exercise of a prerogative which is,
after all. sacred first to the Senate as a whole and only thereafter to its
individual members. Such a resolution might help Lattimore somewhat ; it
will be enough if it deters comparable attacks in the future.
Andrew G. Truxal, President, Hood College, Frederick, Md. :
May I respectfully request that Dr. Owen Lattimore, on his return to this
country, be granted every privilege and opportunity to clear himself of the
charges being currently made aaginst him. As a former colleague of his dis-
tinguished father, Professor David Lattimore, at Dartmouth College, I know
the family and the charge that Dr. Owen Lattimore is the "top Soviet espionage
agent" is simply fantastic.
John K. Fairbank, Professor of History, Harvard University. Author : The
United States and China:
Senator McCarthy's allegation that Owen Lattimore is a "top Soviet agent"
seems to me completely incredible, on the basis of my long acquaintance with Mr.
Lattimore and with his writings. I have specialized on Chinese history since
1929, have known Owen Lattimore since 1932, and in the course of my professional
work have had occasion to read a very considerable amount of what he has writ-
ten, both in books and in articles. I have also heard him speak many times and
have had conversations with him many times. I have never heard him express
views or make statements which were disloyal in character, and I firmly believe
him to be a thoroughly loyal and law-abiding American citizen who is devoted
to the free, democratic way of life in this country.
Considering our urgent national need, in the dire struggle against Russia in
Asia, for expert knowledge of Asia such as Mr. Lattimore demonstrably possesses,
it seems to me the national interest demands that the accusation of disloyalty
against him he thoroughly investigated and publicly disproved, as I am confident
it will be, so that his future usefulness to his country will be impaired as little as
possible.
H. H. Fisher, Chairman of the Herbert C. Hoover Institute and Lihrary, Stanford
University; Director, Civil Affairs Training School, 1943-1945; Director,
Belgian-American Educational Foundation. Author : The Famine in Soviet
Russia; A Toicer to Peace, etc. :
I have known Mr. Owen Lattimore and Mrs. Esther Caulkin Brunauer for many
years. I know them to be citizens of wide knowledge and exceptional ability,
1650 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
which they have employed in the service of our country. They are incapable by
character and temperament of being Communists or Communist sympathizers.
Frederic C. Lane, Professor of History, The Johns Hopkins University ; Editor,
Journal of Economic History:
From one source or another during the last twenty-five years I have heard the
Communist line and observed its gyrations. Lattimore has not followed the Com-
munist line. He is an independent thinker with whom I have sometimes agreed,
sometimes disagreed. But I never had any reason to think him a Communist
or to doubt his good faith and loyalty.
B. C. Hopper, Professor of Government, Harvard University. Author : Sover-
eignty in the Arctic ; The War for Eastern Europe.
I worked intimately with Owen Lattimore for three years in the Council on
Foreign Relations, New York. And, naturally, I know his writing. It is beyond
belief that he could be a spy, a Communist (definitely a card-bearing member
of the party), or could have worked for the Soviet government against his own
country.
The use of such high-powered labels, upon what seems to be conjecture as
evidence, discredits the government machinery set up for social protection.
Robert I. Crane, Department of History, University of Chicago.
I do not know Dr. Lattimore personally, but I know his views and writings.
In them he is clearly not a pro-Communist. In fact, he has stood forth as an
unselfish American citizen trying to advise a more viable foreign policy that
would prevent China from going Communist. One may even differ with Dr.
Lattimore's opinions and still realize that he is sincerely trying to think our
foreign policy out in a constructive, pro-American fashion.
Mary C. Wright (Mrs. A. F.), The Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford
University, Calif.
You are not here dealing with an obscure individual whose views and connec-
tions are diffieut to pin down. Nor are you dealing with a politically naive
individual whose research is remote from contemporary issues and who might
therefore be the dupe of foreign agents. The way in which Mr. Lattimore's
views have developed and the direction in which he has made his influence
felt are perfectly plain, and they are sharply and fundamentally at variance
with Communist and Communist-front programs. Mr. Lattimore's work is char-
acterized to perhaps a greater degree than that of any other scholar in the Far
Eastern field by precisely that kind of free-ranging, creative thinking which is the
chief bulwark of free peoples against the subversion of their institutions. He is
the- last man who would tolerate any kind of strait-jacket, and it is literally im-
possible that he could associate himself with the ruthless discipline and dogma-
tism of the Communist Party.
This completely unfounded and unwarranted attack on him is itself a grave
threat to American liberty. I earnestly hope that your committee will lose no
time in investigating the facts and making public your findings.
Marion J. Levy, Jr., Assistant Professor of Sociology, Princeton, N. J.
I am writing you about Senator McCarthy's accusation that Owen Lattimore
was a "top Soviet agent." I have not known Mr. Lattimore intimately, but I
have long used his scholarly works, and I have had a number of personal con-
tacts with the man. At no time in my knowledge of either the man or his work
have ever know him to express views which were disloyal to our country.
Woodbridge Bingham, Columbia University. Letter to Senator Tydings.
At this time when Mr. Lattimore's good name is under suspicion I wish to
go on record as having the utmost confidence in his integrity as a scholar and
as a person. I cannot think of him in any way but as a loyal American.
May I take the liberty of appealing to you to see that Mr. Lattimore is com-
pletely cleared of whatever is unfounded in the current charges against him.
By so doing you will not only be of service to Mr. Lattimore and to those who
have a personal interest in him but also to those who are working for the best
interests of the United States in its international relations.
Harold Vinacke, Professor of Political Science, University of Cincinnati.
Author: Far E<i*t in Modern Times.
As a student of Far Eastern history and politics over a period of twenty-five
years, I have had occasion to examine Mr. Lattimore's writings with some care.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1651
I have found myself in disagreement with Mr. Lattimore's views and findings
«n occasion. 1 have also found myself in agreemenl with him on occasion, in
case of either agreement or disagreement, I have never had any reason to be-
lieve that his views were not honestly and objectively arrived at. It is obvious
that there is a wide area of national foreign policy in which there may be honest
difference of opinion as to the expedient course to follow in protecting and ad-
vancing the interests of the United states. A case in point is the question of
recognition of the Chinese Communist regime. It does not follow that because
recognition lias been extended by the U. S. S. R. tb.it an advocate of recognition
by the United Stales would be seeking to promote Russian rather than American
interests. There is plenty of historical evidence that individuals of unquestioned
loyalty honestly come to what prove to be unwise or unsound conclusions as to
what the national interest requires. I believe that the record will show that Mr.
Lattimore's views, whether correct or incorrect, as to national policy, have been
derived from his own independent analysis of the existing situation in the Far
East and the response to the policy situation which he honestly believes will best
advance the interests of the United States. There is no evidence, on the record
as I know it, which would sustain the allegation that be is or has been, seeking to
promote the interests of the Soviet Union rather than the interests of the United
States. As I have stated above, I have on occasion found myself in disagreement
with some of his conclusions as to what would best serve American interests.
But that has never led me to conclude that be was not fundamentally motivated by
loyalty to the United States.
Hymax Kubijn, Assistant Professor of History, Brooklyn College.
The serious allegations made by Senator McCarthy of Wisconsin impugning the
loyalty of Owen Lattimore can appear only as fantastic to those familiar with his
scholarly career. As a student of the Far Eastern field for the past twelve years
and a close follower of Mr. Lattimore's work, I wish to state that at no time
have I had cause to question his devotion to this country and the democratic way
of life. His numerous books and articles have in my opinion clearly presented
an over-all pattern of opposition to the policies of Soviet Russia. Charges of
"pro-Soviet" inclinations and beliefs against Mr. Lattimore based on bis pub-
lished writings can only proceed from distortion of his 'theses and removal of
quotations from context.
George B. Cressey, Chairman, Department of Geography, Syracuse University ;
Member. Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions. Author : Field Work in
Mongolia, Tibet, and Interior of China — 1932-1929; Asia's Lands and Peoples,
etc.
May I express my deep concern over the unsupported attacks which are being
made on Owen Lattimore, Haldore Hanson, and others, without supporting
evidence. I am under the impression that under Anglo-Saxon law a person
is to be regarded as innocent until proven guilty, or certainly until specific
evidence is forthcoming. In a police state, on the other hand, guilt is assumed
as soon as anyone mentions rumor or suspicion.
I consider that these whole proceedings, including the attacks on the Secretary
of State, are the most effective device to impair our standing abroad and to
create a situation favorable to communistic propaganda. One might make a good
case for an assertion that Senator McCarthy and his associates are the most
effective agents for communistic agitation which are currently operating in the
United States.
Langdox Waexer, Curator of Oriental Art, Fogg Museum, Harvard University
I have known him (Mr. Lattimore) intimately, both in China and this country,
for some twenty-five years. I know him to be loyal and intelligent with an
uncommonly courageous and penetrating attitude and a sound analytical mind.
I have seen him in his social and professional contacts with Europeans and
orientals and can best describe his talk and his privately held opinions as being
unequivocally and patriotically American.
You have but to read his many books of travel and of political analysis to be
persuaded that the impression he firmly intends to convey is distrust of Commu-
nist and other authoritarian policies. This is quite as obvious in those passages
in which he is seeking a reasonable and sympathetic explanation of their psy-
chology as in those where he is more drastically critical of them. No doubt
among such voluminous writings, where the author bears constantly in mind
the need to be judgmatical, paragraphs may be lifted from their context in an
attempt to demonstrate sympathy with the enemy. But there cannot be any
1652 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
doubt with all the evidence before you, that even such passages are additional
proof of the author's sensitive regard for American democratic ideals.
It should not detract from the cogency of my argument to add that I have
frequently disagreed with Mr. Lattimore's conclusions.
Laurence Sickman, Vice Director and Curator of Oriental Art, Wm. Rockhill
Nelson Gallery of Art, Kansas City, Mo.
The extremely serious implications of Senator McCarthy's charges against
Owen Lattimore compel me to write urging a complete investigation of these
charges which, in my opinion, are utterly false and incomprehensible. I have
known Owen Lattimore personally since 1931 and as a specialist in Far Eastern
studies, I have had occasion to read many of his writings. I consider Mr. Latti-
more to be not only a loyal and forthright citizen but also a brilliant credit to
our country.
George Grassmuck, Boston University, Assistant Professor of Political Science.
It is my fervent hope that the current damaging attacks on the loyalty and
integrity of Owen Lattimore receive an early investigation and that his expected
exoneration gets as much publicity as did the remarks of his protected accuser.
Upon my return from wartime naval service in the South Pacific and occupied
Japan, I studied for three years (1946-49) at the Johns Hopkins University,
and took several Far Eastern seminars under Mt. Lattimore's direction. I
became well acquainted with his political and economic ideas by reading his
books and through informal conversations with him. During my last year at the
university, my office was next to his, premitting even more frequent discussions.
At no time during my stay at the Johns Hopkins University did Lattimore
impress me as a member of the Communist Party or as a "Russian espionage
agent."
Since leaving Hopkins I have been giving courses in international politics and
in governments of the Far East at Boston University. I use Lattimore's recent
book, The Situation in Asia, (Little, Brown & Co., 1949) as one of several
references in the Far Eastern course. There have been no classroom allegations
whatever that the book* was "Communist" or "pro-Russian."
Instead passages from the book show Lattimore's desire to see Oriental nations
become independent and free of Russian domination. On page 167 of The Situa-
ation in Asia, he states :
"Nor do the Russians start out with the advantage of being the 'favorite
foreigners' of the Chinese, as the Americans have long been. In the Chinese
folk tradition, the Russians have always been the most barbarian of the 'foreign
barbarians', the 'dangerous neighbors' with a common frontier. The fact is
that the Russians, like the Americans, are going to find that what counts in
China is the kind of government evolved by the play of Chinese political, economic,
social, and military forces."
In proposing a possible plan for dealing with Asia by helping to establish a
group of independent third force countries, Lattimore summarizes the scheme's
purported advantages by saying (p. 237) :
"On our side, we shall have given a fresh impetus to both capitalism, and
political democracy. We shall have a strong competitive advantage in being
able to help more people get what they want than the Russians can. We shall
have turned the disadvantage of an Asia that we are not strong enough to
control into the advantage of an Asia strong enough to refuse to be controlled by
Russia."
Mr. Lattimore's point of view is obvious to those who read his books. To
my mind it is not based on espionage but on knowledge, analysis, and loyalty.
Arthur F. Wright, Assistant Professor of Chinese History, Stanford University,
Stanford, Calif.
I am sure you and your committee must be aware that Mr. Lattimore is the
author of many books. These writings, which are basic works for the under-
standing of Inner Asia, are not the work of a "Russian Agent" ; they are
unmistakably the work of a free creative American intellect. They are honest,
clear presentations of the results of mature scholarship and profound thought.
I realize that investigating committeemen have no time to read books, but these
hooks :ire the "documents" on Mr. Lattimore. and they completely exonerate
him from the contemptible and malicious slanders of Senator McCarthy.
We in university circles in northern California are gravely concerned over
the threat to our free institutions presented by Senator McCarthy and his fellow
witch-hunters. Many of us feel that the traditions and the prestige of the
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1653
Senate are jeopardized by the completely conscienceless behavior of Senator
McCarthy and his ilk. I think you owe it to the august body of which you are
a Member and to the people of this country to see this investigation through to
the end with maximum publicity on all findings. So far the practice of investi-
gating committees lias hen to publicize charges, give some publicity to rebuttals,
and then leave the case and rush off on another. It is time that this shoddy and
on-American practice is brought to an end and that some semblance of fairness
and justice is introduced. We look to you. Senator, to see that, in the conduct
of the hearings on Mr. Lattiinore, the dignity and good name of the Senate are
maintained and the principles of our common law heritage preserved.
Dr. George Boas, Professor of Philosophy. Johns Hopkins University. Author:
The Major Traditions of European Philosophy; Philosophy and Poetry; etc.
It may be of interest to your committee that the undersigned is a veteran of
both wars, having served in the Infantry in the First World War and in the Navy
in the second. As for his political opinions, they are, as you know, those of
a continued Democrat. He is horrified to find in the United States Senate
a man who will not hesitate to blacken the name of one who is at present, as
so often in the past, serving the interests of the United States and the western
democracies unselfishly and tirelessly. Those of us who hold no political position
can do little but appeal to those who are in the Government for help in such
matters as these. It is with such an appeal in view that I am writing you,
trusting that the force of public opinion may back you up in seeing that justice
is done.
John A. Pope, Smithsonian Institution, Freer Gallery of Art.
The investigations now being conducted by your subcommittee, necessary as
they may be, could do no greater disservice to our country than to deprive it of
the services of a man of the stature of Owen Lattimore.
Shannon McCtne, Department of Geography, Colgate University.
Mr. Lattimore's recognition of the strength of Russian influence in Asia and
his labor to make this important fact known, and appreciated by American cit-
izens, so as to guarantee a more workable foreign policy in Asia certainly does
not make him "an agent of Russia" and hardly constitutes "disloyalty" to the
United States. His early analysis of the situation in Asia and his plea for a
more aggressive American policy coupled with reform in various areas of Asia,
which would negate the Russian influence, cretainly should merit praise rather
than condemnation.
If defamatory practices such as Mr. McCarthy has used are continued, the
United States is going to find itself either without trained specialists in foreign
affairs or with a group of spineless yes men who will counsel us falsely. The
result will be the loss of this country's present position as the leader of those
countries and peoples who believe in democracy.
Prof. William R. Amberson, University of Maryland.
I wish to express to you my confidence in my good friend, Owen Lattimore, and
my conviction that he is a loyal and devoted citizen of this country- These
are indeed strange days when a scholar of Mr. Lattimore's high standing can be
so irresponsibly attacked. I have known him in the work of the Chinese Indus-
trial Cooperatives as a man with wide knowledge and broad human sympathies,
contributing much to the study of pressing political and social problems, par-
ticularly in the Far East. He is an able representative of the American liberal
tradition. I trust that you and other Senators who also hold that attitude, or at
least respect it, will see that he has full opportunity to explain his position, and
establish his integrity, as we, his friends, know that he can do.
L. Carrington Goodrich, Professor of Chinese, Columbia University. Author:
A Short History of the Chinese People:
As one who has known Mr. Owen Lattimore both in China and the United
States for well over twenty years, I would like to associate myself with those
who believe wholeheartedly that he is every inch a loyal American.
Earl Swisher, Director, Institute of Asiatic Affairs, University of Colorado.
I have known Mr. Lattimore for many years both in China and in the United
States, and am personally convinced that there is no question of his loyalty
and certainly he is no Communist. Moreover, as a scholar and authority on
the northwest frontier of China, Dr. Lattimore is a valuable man to the State
1654 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Department and to the Nation, at a time when every expert we have is needed.
It seems to me a grave mistake to malign able and patriotic statesmen for
political or publicity motives.
For the last few years, it happens that I have disagreed with certain phases
of the policy which Mr. Lattimore has advocated for the United States in the
Far East. We have had arguments about this and if occasion offers shall
probably argue again, but this is certainly no reason for me or anyone else to
smear his good name or to call him a Communist, which would mean nothing
more nor less than saying that he disagreed with me. He may be right, but cer-
tainly both of us can have our opinion. I should hate to have my character
damaged because others are of a different opinion. If individual Americans and
particularly qualified experts are not allowed to develop and* express opinions
on vital American questions, the functioning of democracy will be seriously im-
paired.
Thomas C. Smith, Assistant Professor of Far Eastern History, Stanford Uni-
versity, California.
There is not the slightest evidence to support the charges of Senator McCar-
thy in the whole of Mr. Lattimore's extensive published works : nothing that
remotely suggests the Communist Party line and, indeed, the very quality of Mr.
Lattimore's thinking — tentative, empirical, and open-minded, is, quite aside from
the question of content, distinctly uncommunist.
The clear intent of Mr. Lattimore's more controversial books is an informed
public and an effective American foreign policy, to both of which he has made
a distinguished contribution. It is perhaps unnecessary to add that this is not
the way of a man such as Senator McCarthy alleges Mr. Lattimore to be, but of a
man who takes the responsibilities of his citizenship seriously.
Harold J. Weins, Assistant Professor of Geography, Yale University.
Like many other Far Eastern scholars, I have known three of the individuals
singled out by Senator McCarthy in his attacks. During my service in the U. S.
Navy and the OSS I have had some contact with each of them. These men are
Owen Lattimore, John Service, and Haldore Hanson. I am convinced of their
American loyalty. These men have had occasion personally to learn about
both the Chinese Nationalist regime and the Chinese and other Communist
regimes and the effect of their operations upon the welfare of the Chinese and
other Asiatic peoples. In the course of their official duty with the Government
they were required to give objective appraisals of the situation as they observed
it. Because the evolution of reform under previous regimes or under the
Chinese Nationalist regime has been slow and even retrogressive, an objective
observer did not need to be "leftist" or even very "liberal" to discover that
in the contemporary scene the Communist regimes often served the people under
their control in a more. beneficial manner. Such a conclusion on his part need
have no bearing upon his political affiliation or loyalty. I am anti-Communist
and I believe that communism in the long run will harm the Chinese if it is
not eliminated. Neverthless, although many of my interpretations of the Far
Eastern situation differ from theirs, I have come to some of the same conclusions
as have Service or Hanson or Lattimore.
Alexander Laing, Librarian, Dartmouth College. Author: The Sea Witch;
Clipper Ship Men; Jonathan Eagle.
The other possible explanation is that Senator McCarthy is deliberately en-
dangering his country in the conduct of its foreign policy, his Republican Party
in its public reputation, the repute and dignity of Congress, and the good name
of a distinguished scholar and public servant, all to make dubious political
capital of some sort for the Senator personally. If this is the case, he is a
depraved scoundrel, a dangerous and deeply evil man.
Claude A. Buss, Professor of History, Stanford University, Palo Alto, Calif.
Through conversations with him (Lattimore) and through careful study of his
books and articles, I respect him as one of our most profound and original Ameri-
can thinkers about the situation in Asia. Whether he has seen fit to support
or criticize any particular aspect of our policy in the Far East, I have always
noted that his attitude has stemmed from his fundamental regard for our na-
tional welfare and our national interest. Whenever I have disagreed with
hirn, I have never doubted the sincerity of his conviction that his ideas were
best for the United States.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1655
I like to think that I worked closely with him in the Office of War Information.
When I succeeded him as Director of the San Francisco Office, I found the Office
permeated with a spirit of contributing wherever we could to the winning ot
the war We all— British, Chinese, and Americans— cooperated against a com-
mon enemy No one was more jealous of American rights— wherever threat-
ened—than Mr. Lattimore. Our broadcasts to China were dedicated to the
help of our ally and it was deemed essential to stiffen the morale of the armies
of the Kuomintang under Chiang Kai-shek. Most of our Chinese employees
were naturally sympathetic with the Kuomintang, and the Chinese Consul Gen-
eral and the head of the official Kuo Min News Agency were always accorded
both the most cordial welcome at our office and the most liberal use of our
facilities.
Nobtjtaka Ike— .Former student of Mr. Lattimore and Curator, Japanese Collec-
tion, The Hoover Institute and Library, Stanford University, Stanford, Calif.
As a student of his I had almost daily contact with Mr. Lattimore. I saw
him not only at the university, but on many occasions at his home. Thus, I
came to know him very well as a teacher and a friend. For a period of three
years, I heard him discuss the grave problems that confront us as a world power.
His ideas were always creative and original, scarcely the kind that would be tol-
erated in Russia today. I feel certain that if you would carefully examine
the things that Professor Lattimore has stood for, you would come to the con-
clusion that the eharges made against him are entirely without foundation,
Virginia Thompson Adloff, Author, 30 Sutton Place, New York 22, N. Y. Au-
thor: French Inrlo-China; Thailand; The New Siam; Postmortem on Malaya.
I should like to offer my testimonial as to the devotion to democratic ideals
and the hrilliant scholarship in regard to East Asian affairs which Mr. Lattimore
has consistently shown. Such an irresponsible attack as Senator McCarthy has
made upon Mr. Lattimore is not only crudely unjust, but a hlow to other scholars
striving to stmlv the Far East from an objective viewpoint.
(Note. — Excerpts from various communications from people with a knowledge
of Owen Lattimore's work:)
Frederica de Lacuna, Associate Professor, Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College.
Senator McCarthy's attacks on the State Department and on Prof. Owen Latti-
more have been truly vicious. Have we indeed come to such a pass that the cit-
izen who tries to serve his country loyally in a position of importance, as Sec-
retary Acheson and Professor Lattimore have done, are to be branded as traitors,
without the protection of our courts, by any Member of Congress hiding behind
his immunity? Not only do such attacks make it impossible for us to carry out
any coherent foreign policy, and so play into the hands of those who would like
to see the United States divided and impotent, but they are subversive to the
rights and dignities of our citizens. Again and again we have seen loyal Gov-
ernment servants slandered, what good work they might do nullified, their fam-
ilies subjected to anguish and to actual threats of violence, as a result of such ill-
considered accusations. How are we to get able men, or keep them, in respon-
sible Government positions if they are to be treated in this way?
Franz Michael, Professor, Far Eastern History, University of Washington.
Through radio and newspaper reports, I have learned that Senator McCarthy
has accused Mr. Owen Lattimore of being a bad security risk and has attempted
to throw doubt upon Mr. Lattimore's character and loyalty to the United States,
indicating that he has betrayed this country by spying for Soviet Russia.
I have been deeply shocked by the carelessness with which the Senator is en-
dangering the honor and reputation of a citizen who happens to be a colleague
of mine in the field of Far Eastern studies. I have known Mr. Lattimore since
1039 when I was a research asistsant at Johns Hopkins University at the Walter
Hines Page School of International Relations of which Mr. Lattimore is the
director. During the time of my work there, I came to know Mr. Lattimore
well and have the fullest confidence in his character and in his loyalty to this
country.
I have the greatest respect for your committee and have no doubt that Mr.
Lattimore will be able to refute without difficulty the charges made by Senator
McCarthy. However, I want to express my deep concern over a state of affairs
in which Senator McCarthy should think it permissible to play so irresponsibly
with a person's honor and good name.
1656 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Li.otd D. Musolf, Graduate Student, The Johns Hopkins University.
I am writing this entirely unsolicited letter in protest against the serious
charges made against Prof. Owen Lattimore by Senator McCarthy. As a grad-
uate student at the John Hopkins University between 1946 and 1949, and as a
student in one of Professor Lattimore's classes for one of those years, I wish
to express my strong belief that the charges are utterly groundless. In his bril-
liant lectures Mr. Lattimore followed no one's line. As a matter of fact his is
the most independent and original mind I have ever encountered. If his writ-
ings and actions are studied as a whole instead of by calculated and dishonest
exegesis, this readily will become apparent.
Schuyler Van R. Cammann, Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania.
In the first place, it is ridiculous to call Professor Lattimore a Communist. His
writings show that he has no illusions about the present government of Russia.
In such books as Situation in Asia he has presented the stupidities and limitations
of the Russian rulers just as shrewdly as he has pointed out mistakes in our own
Far Eastern policies. As a distinguished scholar with high integrity he does
not let ideological arguments distract him from seeking out and presenting the
truth as he sees it, and we all know that such freedom is denied to members of
the Communist Party. Furthermore, he speaks freely of Russian imperialism,
which would be heresy for a Communist. In any case, as a determined indi-
vidualist and shrewd thinker, with a keen sense of humor, it would be tempera-
mentally impossible for him to follow the strict (though amusingly shifty) dog-
mas of the "party line," or to hold to the fanatic, pseudo-religious beliefs of
Russian communism.
As to the idea of his being an espioriage agent, that is extremely laughable to
anyone who knows him and his manifold activities. With the amount of time
he puts into teaching, writing, and lecturing, and the amount of energy he pours
into these tasks, it should be plain that he would have no time or energy left over
for a spy's duties even if he were so minded, which of course, he is not.
I hope that a review of Professor Lattimore's real achievements and his free-
dom from the charges leveled at him by Mr. McCarthy will put the latter in his
place. It is rather low to try to cover one's own bad record by reflecting on the
reputations of others, but it is doubly contemptible to have made public accusa-
tions of Professor Lattimore when he was out of the country and unable to
answer the slanderous attacks as soon as they were made. His conduct reflects
on his party as well as his country at a time when we urgently need constructive
forces to lead us.
George McTurnan Kahin, Lecturer in Political Science, Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity.
I am shocked at the outrageously false charges of Senator McCarthy that Owen
Lattimore is pro-Communist and a Russian spy. I would like to make the fol-
lowing statement.
For the last three and a half years (except the period June 1948-June 1949
when I was in Indonesia on a fellowship of the Social Science Research Council)
I have as a graduate student, and recently as a faculty member, been a member
of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations at the Johns Hopkins
University. During this period I have been closely associated with Owen Latti-
more. My field is political science with special emphasis on the Far East. This
has meant that my frequent contact with Professor Lattimore — in class, in semi-
nar, and in personal conversation — has largely concerned discussion of the domi-
nant social and political, problems of the Far East. Communism and Soviet Far
Eastern policy, being among the most important of these problems, were fre-
quently discussed by Professor Lattimore. Never in such discussions, or at any
time, have I heard Professor Lattimore indicate sympathy for communism or for
Soviet policies. He certainly did show strong and vigorous anti-Communist
feelings repeatedly, sustainedly, and unequivocally. Consistently he was severe
;in<l incisive in his criticism of Russian policies.
James P. Warburg, Financial Adviser, World Economic Conference, London,
1933; Director Philharmonic Symphony Society of New York; Author: The
Money Muddle; Foreign Policy Begins at Home; etc.
As one who is proud to be a friend of Owen Lattimore and as a citizen deeply
concerned over the irreparable damage done to innocent, loyal, and in this case
exceptionally valuable citizens, by irresponsible denunciation, may I respectfully
urge you to see to it that your committee after due investigation take whatever
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1657
action it may deem appropriate affirmatively to clear Lattimore in such a way
as to leave no rioulit in the public mind. When citizens of the character of Sec-
retary Acheson, Ambassador Jessup, and Owen Lattimore are denounced by a
United States Senator as bad security risks it is time for the Senate to reassert
its own dignity and to repair as best it may the damage done to the prestige of
the United States.
Yi i.h.i ai.mkr Stefansson, Explorer and Arctic Specialist
Protest most strongly McCarthy's Lattimore attack. Lattimore and men like
him are our best defense against communism and fascism.
Pearl Buck. Author: The Good Earth, etc.
Richard J. Walsh, President of John Day, Publishers.
We are indignant and dismayed at completely false charges against Owen Lat-
timore. We have known him for nearly twenty-five years both in China and
United States and have read his books and kept informed of all his activities.
We have often and recently discussed with him his views on Asia on which he is
leading expert today. We know that he is opposed to communism. The false
charges are all the more unfortunate for the United States because this country
needs the services of a man of his experience and wisdom. We urge immediate
investigation of what persons and interests are behind this destructive attack.
E. Cowles Andrus, M. D., Baltimore, Md.
My wife and I have known Mr. and Mrs. Lattimore since his association with
the Johns Hopkins University. I have full confidence in his integrity and
patriotism.
Mrs. Sanford V. Larkey, President City-County Democratic Club, 1010 Winding
Way, Baltimore 10, Md.
We are your constituents. We appeal to you to take appropriate action to pro-
tect one of your constituents — Owen Lattimore, a resident of Baltimore County.
We refer to the slanderous statements made on and off the Senate floor by Sen-
ator McCarthy whose irresponsible accusations against Mr. Lattimore have
shocked this entire community.
He has not as yet been able to present evidence for any of his charges and
when his victims have been able to reply he has been proved guilty of misrepre-
senting facts which are easily available to those who might wish the truth. It
is our opinion that such conduct is unworthy of a Senator. We therefore call
upon you to make your stand in this matter unequivocal and to initiate expulsion
proceedings against Senator McCarthy.
Edward A. Parks, M. D., Former Director Harriet Lane Clinic, The Johns Hop-
kins Hospital, Professor of Pediatrics.
It is a tragedy that Senator McCarthy is enacting. From his position of sen-
atorial immunity he is mortally injuring splendid American citizens. Although
Mr. Lattimore will be completely exonerated for the simple reason that he is
completely innocent of the charges made, he can never recover from the wound
inflicted and I am afraid that his great usefulness to this country with his vast
knowledge of conditions in the Far East will be permanently impaired. It is easy
for Senator McCarthy from a height which cannot be reached to toss out atomic
bombs indiscriminately but he ought to be made to pay in some way for damage
to the lives of patriotic citizens.
Margaret O. Young, Mr. Lattimore's secretary from 1938 to 1941.
No doubt you will receive many letters testifying to the integrity of Owen
Lattimore, and expressing indignation at the charges placed against him.
I want to add one more, and to say that I worked as Mr. Lattimore's secretary
from November 1938 until August 1941, and at no time was there the least indi-
cation of subversive activity. In my opinion he is a man of high principles and
broad outlook, and the charges against him are grossly unjust. Every effort
should be made to clear his good name.
Robert E. Sherwood. Playwright ; Author : The Petrified Forest; Idiot's Delight;
Roosevelt and Hopkins.
During the Se -ond World War, I became closely personally associated with
Lattimore in the Offi-e of War Information. He directed the part of our over-
seas activities concerned with the war in Asia and the Pacific. He was important
as a policy maker. I therefore have had ample opportunity to gain knowledge of
his opinions and his general processes of thought and I respectfully beg to assure
1658 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
you of my conviction that any charges or insinuations against his loyalty to our
country, our Constitution and our American way of life are as outrageous as
they are fantastic.
Elmer Davis, American Broadcasting Co., Washington 9, D. C. Director, Office
War Information (1942-1945) ; News Analyst, American Broadcasting Co.
Lattimore is accused of promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia, of
apparently preferring totalitarian government in Japan to the kind of democracy
Mac-Arthur is giving, of being a bad security risk and an old-time pro-Communist.
1 have known Owen Lattimore for years ; he was one of my leading associates
in the Office of War Information. He may have overestimated the nationalistic
aspects of the present Chinese Communist regime, but if he did. so did many
other people. To call him a pro-Communist or to say that he prefers totalitarian
government anywhere, is as ridiculous as to say that he is trying to ruin Chris-
tianity.
Rev. Louis M. J. Schkam, Immaculate Heart Missions.
I am a scholarly Roman Catholic priest, student of the University of Louvain,
Belgium, and the University of Leyden, Holland, and have spent the last forty
years in Mongolia and on the borders of Tibet. I am in America now to publish
the material on which I have worked for the past forty years.
It is in this connection that I am glad to cooperate with the Walter Hines Page
School of International Relations, so that this part of the world can be made
known through our publications to the Western World.
Edgar Snow, Contributing Editor, Saturday Evening Post.
I should like to add my protest to the hundreds you have doubtless received
from other loyal citizens, against the unfair and un-American persecution of
Owen Lattimore (and others) being currently conducted under the cloak of
senatorial immunity by Joseph R. McCarthy.
I believe you wish to be scrupulously just in your own part in this hearing and
for that reason may welcome this voluntary statement.
I happen to have known Mr. Lattimore for 17 years. In that period I have had
numerous opportunities to study and judge his character, as well as his work.
In my opinion he represents the highest type of American— devoted to democratic
ideals and principles, superior in his intelligence, a first-rate scholar, and wise in
the judgments he has offered to the American people concerning events which
affect our future and our lives.
I myself was born in Missouri in a family descended from generations of
Americans. Whatever I know of Americanism, and how to identify it in others,
derives fundamentally from what I learned from my parents' teachings and in
American schools. I know Mr. Lattimore so well that I can say that if he is
"disloyal" then my own teachers and parents were likewise. I do not find in any
of Lattimore's writings, nor in my recollections of any of our many conversations,
nor in my knowledge of his behavior, anything which would violate the good
conscience or the best standards of Americanism.
Aside from that, in my own work as a journalist I have been concerned with
matters on which Mr. Lattimore is regarded as a specialist. This experience as
a foreign correspondent has also equipped me to judge whether anyone is, or is
not, a Communist or a spy or an agent for Russia in an objective or a subjective
sense. In the present instance it is Senator McCarthy, not Lattimore, who is
serving, objectively, as a tool of Russia, however unwitting. They could not
(the Russians) conceive,of anything better calculated to advance their propa-
ganda aims than Senator McCarthy's current campaign, which is making a
shambles of the integrity and dignity of the entire United States Government.
Mr. Lattimore could not possibly be a spy for Russia. No Communist could
write the books he has written. No one could read them and assert that he has
been the "architect of our Far Eastern Policy."
Stanley Salem, Executive Vice President, Little Brown & Co. Telegram to
Senator Aiken.
As editor of Owen Lattimore's last three books I can vouch for the fact that
his greatest concern has been that the United Stales should not lose its position
as the leader of democratic principles in the Far East. I know you have been
thinking about the same problem within the United States and I hope you will
do everything possible to give Lattimore a chance to set forth the truth.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1659
Theodore Weeks, Editor of the Atlantic Monthly. (Letter to Senator Tydings.)
Forgive me if I speak personally, but so men must do when they arc troubled.
This is my twenty-fifth year on the start of the Atlantic and the twenty-fourth
in my friendship with Owen, and it saddens me to sec what a reckless accusation
flapping in the wind for a few days can do to smirch the record and the authority
Of a man who has given so much of his life to the work be loves. Owen Latti-
more is no Communisl : anyone who knows him knows that be is loyal to this
country ami that he has written and worked for its best interest.
Throughout Ids career, lie lias believed in The Open Door policy for the Chinese
and in the early l'.i-iO's. it was his hope as it was that of many Americans that
the country could he unified under Chiang Kai-shek. Even as recently as Jan-
uary 1950, in the Atlantic he wrote: "The Kuomintang, under the increasingly
jeaious and narrow leadership of Chiang, put up the worst possible defense of
cause that was originally good and should have won." He could not fail to
detect the increasing corruption in Nationalist China ; in this he was not alone —
ask any American who flew the Hump. * * * We accuse the Politburo of
telling Stalin only what Stalin wants to hear. Now it seems to me appalling that
there should be Americans in high places who try to make Mr. Lattimore the
scapegoat because he told the truth.
Sample Misquotations in Senator McCarthy's References to Lattimore
Writings
1. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4448) quoting from Solution
in Asia, p. 139, said Lattimore wrote that the Russians had "a greater power of
attraction" for Asiatic peoples.
The correct phrase in the book is "a great power of attraction." The
book then adds that the United States has a potentially greater power of
attraction for the same peoples.
2. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4458) quoting from Situation
in Asia, p. 53, said Lattimore agreed with Stalin's formula for revolution.
In the book, Lattimore explains this formula and points out that America
can prove it wrong.
3. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4448) quoting from Situation
in Asia, p. 89, in reference to the Russian gutting of Manchurian factories, said
Lattimore claimed that "this has not diminished the Russian power of attraction
in Asia."
In the book, Lattimore called it "a ruthless example of the sacrifice of the
interests of non-Russian Communists to the paramount interest of the Soviet
Union." In an entirely different paragraph, the book says "On the whole,
however, the Russian power of attraction has not diminished, at least
potentially."
4. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4459) quotes correctly from
Solution in Asia, p. 94, but says "The period referred to is the late thirties."
The period actually is the early thirties and Senator McCarthy has thereby
misapplied the quotation to distort my position.
(See explanation in last sentence above.)
5. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 444S) quotes correctly from
The Situation in Asia, p. 23S, but exactly contradicts the meaning of the pas-
sage by his remark "In other words, he says to America, 'Keep your hands off.' "
He further contradicts the meaning by not quoting the immediately pre-
ceding paragraph which expresses my confidence in American participation
in Asiatic affairs.
6. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 4469) quotes from a Lattimore
"article 'Asia Conquers Asia' in March of this year in which Lattimore refers
to Russian communism only as a 'hypothetical threat — a card unplayed.' "
The article was actually titled "Asia Reconquers Asia." It included
several different references to Russian communism. One passage, perhaps
distantly related to what Senator McCarthy quoted, reads : "As it is, we do
not even have a measuring stick for assessing what kind of strength Russia
has in the Far East or how much of it there may be. Whatever the Russian
strength, it remains behind the Russian frontier — undeployed, unexposed,
a card unplayed."
7. Senator McCarthy (Congressional Record, p. 444S) quotes correctly from
Situation in Asia, p. 147, about supplies going to the Kuomintang and then com-
ments, "This is Communist propaganda pure and simple." On the contrary this
statement is based upon the most reliable eyewitness sources : American news-
papermen working in China and is so credited in a footnote.
**8970 — 50 — pt. 2 12
1660 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Exhibit No. 74
[Columbia, September 1949]
Disaster in China
(By James F. Kearney, S. J.)
Who or what has so vitiated the opinion of intelligent Americans on the
China question? Until recently, despite the dust that has been deliberately
thrown in American eyes by pink correspondents, the question could be stated
so clearly and simply that grammer school students could grasp it. Having
explained it to grammar school students, I know. Here it is, expressed in mono-
syllabic words : "If the Reds win out there, we lose. If they lose, we win."
Well, for all practical purposes, the Reds have now won, and in consequence
we and the Chinese have lost. For communism it is the greatest triumph since
the Russian Revolution ; for us, though few Americans yet fully realize it, it is
perhaps the greatest disaster in our history ; and the end is not yet. Who is
responsible? It wasn't a one-man job; short-sighted Chinese officials contributed
some 50 percent to the catastrophe, we the other 50 percent. There are those
who believe, though, that no Americans deserve more credit for this Russian
triumph and Sino-American disaster than Owen Lattimore and a small group
of his followers.
Owen Lattimore, confidant of two United States Presidents, adviser to our
State Department, author of ten books about the Far East, where he has twenty-
five years of travel and study to his credit, was born in Washington, D. C, but
after a few months was taken to North China. At twelve Iip went to study
in Switzerland, then in England, and returned to China as a newsman before
taking up exploration, particularly in Manchuria and Mongolia. He then
studied in Peiping, first on a fellowship from the Harvard Yenching Foundation
and later on a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation fellowship, knows
the Chinese, Mongolian, and Russian languages well.
Returning to the United States at the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war
in 1937, a year later he became director of the Walter Hines Page School of
International Relations of Johns Hopkins University, a post he still holds. In
1941 he was for six months President Roosevelt's political adviser to Generalis-
simo Chiang Kai-shek, then returned to the States to enter OWI, becoming
deputy director to the overseas branch in charge of Pacific Operations. In
June 1944 he and J. Carter Vincent, later to head the Far Eastern Bureau of
the State Department, accompanied Henry Wallace on a diplomatic tour of
Siberia and Free China.
So high does Owen Lattimore stand in Washington that it is said the only
two books on President Truman's desk when he announced Japan's surrender
were newsman John Gunther's Inside Asia and Lattimore's Solution in Asia.
Lattimore was next named special economic adviser to Edwin V. Pauley, head
of the postwar economic mission to Tokyo. Though not an authority on Japan,
he did not hesitate to criticize former Ambassador Joseph C. Grew's plan,
adopted by MacArthur, to govern the Japanese people through the Emperor.
He believed that the Emperor and all his male heirs should be interned in China
and a republic set up in Japan.
In this thoroughly distinguished orientalist's career there are many disturb-
ing features. For example, in former Red Louis Budenz' March 19, 1949,
Collier's article, entitled "The Menace of Red China," we read, "Most Americans,
during World War II, fell for the Moscow line that the Chinese Communists
were not really Communists * * * but 'agrarian reformers'. * * * That
is just what Moscow wanted Americans to believe. Even many naive Govern-
ment officials fell for it. * * * This deception of United States officials and
public was the result of a planned campaign ; I helped to plan it. * * * The
number one end was a Chinese coalition government in which Chiang would
accept the 'agrarian reformers' — at the insistence of the United States. * * *
We could work through legitimate Far East organizations and writers that were
recognized as Oriental authorities. Frederick V. Field emphasized use of the
Institute of Pacific Relations. * * * The 'agrarian reformers' idea started
from there. It took root in leading Far East cultural groups in the United
States, spread to certain policy-making circles in the State Department and
broke into prominent position in the American press. * * * The Communists
were successful in impressing their views on the United States State Department
simply by planting articles with the proper slant in such magazines as Far
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1661
Eastern Survey. Pacific Affairs, and Amerasia. Both Far Eastern Survey and
Pacific Affairs are publications of the Institute of Pacific Relations. Tins is not
a Communist organization."
Where does Mr. Lattimore come in? From 1034 to P.)41 he was editor of
Pacific Affairs. Freda Utley mentions him in two of her hooks. In her Last
Chance in China she tells how Moscow, where she then worked as a Communist,
was able to help ils friends and discomfit its enemies in the Far East thanks
to the Institute of Pacific Relations, and that Mr. Lattimore was anions those
Americans who came to Moscow for help and advice (p. 193). In her Lost
Illusion (p. 1!>4) she refers to the same 1936 Moscow meeting: "The whole
staff of our Pacific Ocean Cabinet had an all-day session at the Institute with
E. C. Cartel-. Owen Lattimore, and Harriet Moore, leading lights of the Institute
of Pacific Relations. I was a little surprised at the time that these Americans
should defer so often and so completely to the Russian viewpoint. * * *
Owen Lattimore found it difficult at first to submit to the discipline required
of the Friends of the Soviet Union. He told me a few months later in London
how he had almost lost his position as editor of Pacific Affairs because he had
published an article by the Trotskyist Harold Isaacs. In later years in the
United States it did not astonish me to find the Institute of Pacific Relations
following the same general lines as the Daily Worker in regard to China and
1 Japan."
Henry Wallace never claimed to be an expert on the Far East. How much,
if any, of his report after returning from the Siberia-China visit was written
or suggested by the oriental expert, Mr. Lattimore, I do not know. One thing
emerges, however: after their return, the American policy which has proved
•so disastrous for both Chinese and American interests and so helpful to Russia
was put into effect and is still being pursued. Lattimore's Solution in Asia
was described by one reviewer as "an appeal to Chiang Kai-shek to free himself
from the galling yoke (of the Kuomintang) and to set free the democratic
forces which have proved effective in northwestern China," i. e., the Chinese Reds.
"That book is again referred to in an article by ex-Communist Max Eastman
and J. B. Powell in a June 1945 Reader's Digest article, "The Fate of the World
Is At Stake in China," wherein they blast the deception "that Russia is a
'democracy' and that the Chinese can therefore safely be left to Russian influ-
ence.-' Owen Lattimore is perhaps the most subtle evangelist of this erroneous
conception.
Mr. Lattimore praised the net result of the Moscow trials and the blood purge
by which Stalin secured his dictatorship in 1936-39 as "a triumph for democracy."
UIe now urges our government, in Solution in Asia, to accept cheerfully the
spread of the "Soviet form of democracy" in Central Asia. His publishers thus
indicate the drift of his book: "He (Mr. Lattimore) shows that all the Asiatic
peoples are more interested in actual democratic practices, such as the ones they
can see in action across the Russian border, than they are in the fine theories
of Anglo-Saxon democracies which come coupled with ruthless imperialism."
Does that sound as if Mr. Lattimore, a top adviser on our Far Eastern affairs,
is on our team?
The same article continues with a prophecy which has just about come true:
"If Russian dictatorship spreads its tentacles across China the cause of de-
mocracy (i. e., United States style) in Asia is lost. As is well-known, these
tentacles need not include invading Soviet troops, but only the native Communist
parties now giving allegiance to the Soviet Union and taking their directives
•from Moscow. When these Communist parties get control of a neighboring state
the Moscow dictatorship and its fellow-travelers call that a 'friendly govern-
ment." It is by means of these Communist-controlled 'friendly governments' —
not by Soviet military conquest — that Russian power and totalitarian tyranny
is spreading from the Soviet Union, in Asia as in Europe."
That is perhaps good background for the current slogan of Mr. Lattimore and
his loyal followers, Edgar Snow, Ted White, Richard Lauterback, Harvard's
JFairbank, and many an ex-OWI man — that there's nothing much for America to
worry about because Mao Tse-tung's communism is a nationalist movement.
A moment's reflection should make it clear that the very last thing a real
Chinese nationalist would do would be to swallow hook, line, and sinker the
• doctrine of Karl Marx, a German Jew, who besides being a foreigner has
a system that goes counter to every Chinese instinct and every tradition in the
Chinese concept of society.
This recalls an incident a Belgian priest related to me in Shanghai a year
and a half ago. He had become a Chinese citizen, and when the Chinese Reds
1662 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
occupied his church in North China they followed the usual custom (which is
probably news to Mr. Lattimore) of putting up the pictures of Marx and Stalin
in the place of honor above the high altar, with those of Mao Tse-tung and
Chu Teli below. A Chinese Red then told the priest flatly, "We are going to
get rid of absolutely all foreign influence in China. Our policy is China for
the Chinese." I can imagine Mr. Lattimore saying, "Just what I told you!"
But the Belgian-Chinese replied, "And those two foreign gentlemen up there,
Marx and Stalin? When did they become Chinese citizens'?" The Red slunk
silently away.
If anyone is still puzzled by the contention that Chinese Mai'xists are pri-
marily nationalists, a glance at the Communist Manifesto will clear matters up,
"Though not in substance, yet in form," we read there, "the struggle of the
proletariat with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat
of each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bour-
geoisie." That, I believe, shows us what is back of the present national slogan
our United States pinks apply to China's Reds. It's not authentic nationalism,
of course, as the Manifesto explains later : 'The Communists are reproached
with desiring to abolish countries and nationality. The workingmen have no
country. We cannot take from them what they have not got."
The spurious nature of the nationalism of Mao Tse-tung was admitted by Mr.
Lattimore himself, perhaps unintentionally, in a tape-recorded speech he gave in
San Francisco, December 7, 1948: "The Chinese Communists never made any
bones about the fact that they are Marxists. They are Marxist Communists
in their international relations. They never question the Russian line. They
follow every twist and turn of it." That is an important admission by Mr.
Lattimore, since so many of his followers have been trying to tell us there is no
Moscow control over China's Reds. If they follow every twist and turn of the
Moscow line they are evidently not Chinese nationalists as we understand the
term, but pseudo nationalists.
A. T. Steele and Andrew Roth, of the New York Herald Tribune and the
Nation, respectively, after getting out of Red Peiping recently, declared that
the Chinese Red leaders are in every sense of the word Communists who stand
squarely and faithfully for the Moscow Party line, and will join the Kiemlin
in the coming world war III against the imperialist powers, particularly America.
They likewise agree that while Mao might possibly become an extreme nationalist
at some future date, another Tito, there is absolutely no evidence that this is
a factor to be seriously reckoned with for a long time, Mr. Lattimore to the
contrary notwithstanding. Spencer Moosa, latest newsman out of Peiping,
confirms their statements. The very first movie put on by the Reds in the
auditorium of the Catholic University in Peiping after they moved in this year
was the Life of Stalin. Need we say it was not anti-Russian? And so, instance
after instance shows the very close connection between Moscow and Chinese
communism that has been witnessed throughout the last twenty-eight years
by intelligent observers who have lived in Red China — where Mr. Lattimore
has never lived.
To the average American, whom pro-Red propaganda is intended to victimize,
it seems quite natural that Mao Tse-tung, a native of China who has never
visited Moscow, should think first of China's instead of Russia's interests. Yet
how many native-born Americans are there who, once they join the party,
think nothing of selling out their country and its secrets to the Kremlin? Such
is the strange mesmerism exercised by their Moscow masters. It is, then, no
harder to understand Mao's utter devotion to the party line than it is to
understand that of Foster, or Dennis, or Earl Browder. After all, remember,
a real Communist has no country. And surely Mao has proved he is a one
hundred percent Communist. Let's not be deceived any longer, then, by this
fake "nationalism" of China's Reds, which is the central thesis of Mr. Lattimore's
recent book, The Situation in Asia.
If a man who had written ten volumes about Africa, and thereby won a name
for himself as an authority, should nevertheless maintain that the Negroes
in Africa aren't really black but white, it would be a cause for wonder. Mr.
Owen Lattimore, who has written ten books on Asia and is called "the best-in-
formed American on Asiatic affairs living today," is doubtless well-informed
on many Asiatic matters but unfortunately, if we are to take his written words
as an index of his knowledge of China's Reds, he is very badly misinformed
about the true color of that most important body of individuals and their
whole way of acting. Which reminds me of a recent conversation with one of
Mr. Lattimore's OWI boys who had just returned from a three-years' corres-
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1663
pondent assignment in China. I asked him why it was that practically all our
foreign uewsmen, though supposedly educated in the American tradition of
fair play, spoke entirely of corruption in the Chiang regime, but said nothing
about the corruption in the Mao regime? And this man, who was being paid
for giving his American readers an honest picture of conditions in the vital
Far East, answered, "Because there is no corruption in the Red regime!" I
laughed at him for wasting his three years in the Orient and passed him an
article showing that not only is the Red regime corrupt, but from every con-
ceivable American standpoint it is conservatively ten times more corrupt than
its corrupt opposite number.
It is probably of such men that Mr. Lattimore, in his Situation in China (p.
177 i. writes: "Hitherto American observers who have been acutely conscious
of secret police activities in Kuomintang China have had nothing comparable
to report from Communist China." The reason is that these official observer's
were allowed the freedom to observe the limited activities of KMT secret
police, while they weren't even permitted to enter Red China. Had they wished,
though, they could have learned a lot from people, some of them Americans,
who had lived in Red China. They would have heard for instance about the
"T'ing chuang hui," or eavesdropper corps, who after killing off all watchdogs,
creep up at night, next to the wall or on the flat roofs of North China homes,
to hear what is being said inside the family about the Communists. Children
.are rewarded for spying on their parents and, if anyone is believed to be guilty
of anti-Communist remarks, a terror gang swoops down at midnight and the
chances are the unfortunate victim will be discovered next morning buried alive
outside his home. This sort of secret police and terrorism combined has been
so universal in Red China that if Mr. Lattimore doesn't know about it he knows
extremely little of Chinese communism.
As far back as 1945 the predominant sentiment everywhere in Red areas was
fear, universal fear, fear at every instant, according to an official report of a
Frenchman, a former university professor from Tientsin who spent the years
from 1941 to 1945 in Red territory, and had been hailed before both Japanese
and Red tribunals. "It is not terror," he says, "for terror is a fear which shows
itself exteriorly. Here one must not allow his fear to be seen ; he must appear
satisfied and approve everything that is said and done. It is a hidden fear,
but a creeping, paralyzing fear. The people keep quiet. They do not criticize ;
they avoid passing out any news. They are afraid of their neighbor, who may
denounce them. They are afraid of the Reds who might hear and imprison
them. When the Reds impose a tax, it is paid without a word. If they requisition
anyone for public work, the work is done carefully and rapidly, without need
of any blows and curses as in the time of the Japanese, and wonderful to say,
without any need of supervision. (This is amazing to anyone who knows the
easy-going Chinese character.) I have witnessed groups of workers along the
big highways built by the Japanese, doing exactly the same kind of work they
did for the Japanese; but how different their attitude! There was no foreman
there to supervise, and yet everything was done carefully, with hardly a word,
without the least bit of joking." Mr. Lattimore, with his lack of background,
might interpret this as a sign of enthusiasm for the Red masters. But the
report states simply, "They were afraid."
What was true in 1945 in Red areas is also true today according to the very
latest 1949 reports that have filtered through the Bamboo Curtain : "There isn't
too much suffering from hunger in the city, but it is impossible to lay up any
reserves. The Communists search every house methodically and confiscate any
surplus. Anyone who complains or criticizes them disappears mysteriously,
"buried alive, it is said. No one dares say a word, even to his best friend. In the
country districts conditions are terrible. The Reds take everything : grain,
livestock, clothing, tools, and now all are being mobilized for army service.
Famine reigns everywhere together with fear. The people endure this with
clenched teeth, but when asked how things are going always answer, 'Every-
thing is going well.' " They had better !
These reports come from reliable people who were there and know what they
are talking about, and who ridicule the fairy tales Mr. Lattimore from his distant
and comfortable chair in Johns Hopkins spins for eager young Americans who
believe he is an authority on China's Reds. What, for example, could be further
from the truth than this statement in The Situation in China, p. 100 : "In China
it may be conceded (not by anyone who knows the situation, though, if I may
interrupt) that the Communists hold the confidence of the people to such an
extent that they can probably do more by persuasion, with less resort to coercion,
1664 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
than any previous revolutionaries in history. But the Communists cannot
indulge in experiments which the people do not accept, because the armed and
organized peasants would be able to resist them just as they have hitherto
resisted the return of the landlords," Sheer nonsense ! The only real landlords
left in Red areas are the Red leaders themselves, and the people know enough
not to try to resist these ruthless masters. For some reason, no one seems to
relish being buried alive ; and so the Communists can indulge in absolutely any
experiment they choose without the slightest open resistance from the peasants,
who are merely waiting patiently for better days.
Since Mr. Lattimore is patently in error on so many vital points connected
with the China Red question, it becomes more and more strange that his advice
on Red China should be followed almost slavishly by the United States State
Department. It has already brought China to disaster and may, if we continue
to follow it, also ruin America. It might be well to consider what advice he
has given for future United States policy so we shall know what a new litany of
Lattimore disasters awaits us.
He has a chapter on Japan in his Situation in Asia and, though he admits
General MacArthur is a first-class administrator, he dislikes his "fatherly
mysticism" and "old-line Republicanism," hints it would have been wiser to give
the Russians more say, considers the present policy as pseudo realistic and
bound to fail. "It's likely to blow up in our faces, like a humiliating stink
bomb," damaging MacArthur's reputation in the end. He doesn't like keeping
the Emperor, nor the type of democracy MacArthur is giving, apparently pre-
ferring for Japan the totalitarian type Mao Tse-tung is employing in China.
Mr. Lattimore doesn't like to see Japan made a bulwark against Russian expan-
sion, and believes that since she is possessed of the most advanced technical and
managerial know-how in Asia she will eventually make her own terms with
both Russia and China, without consulting the United States. "The Japanese,
watching America's failure to control the situation in China through the Kuomin-
tang, have been giggling in their kimono sleeves. In a queer way it has helped
to restore their self-respect for their own failure on the continent." He sees
no future for Japan apart from the future of Asia, since she needs the iron
and coal of Manchuria and the markets of China.
In this he is probably right; that is why it was always to America's vital
interest to see that the Open Door policy and the territorial integrity of China
were preserved, though this adviser to our State Department did not think them
very imporant. He considers East Asia now definitely out of control by either
Russia or America, stating that it forms a group of "third countries," which
seem to resemble Nippon's ill-fated "East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." He
believes Japan, then, will come to terms both with Communist Russia and Com-
munist China, and will end up by being more anti-American than anti-Russian.
If we had only adopted his plan for a Japanese "democracy" right after the war,,
what a deal of trouble we would have saved !
What, now, are his plans for the mainland? He was long in favor of a Chiang
coalition with the Reds, and blames our Eightieth Congress for spoiling that.
The result is now Communist control — which of course would have eventuated
just as well had his original coalition idea gone through. "We mustn't lay down
our own conditions for dealing with a Red China, he says, or we shall spoil
our favorable position with the Chinese. Has he never heard how Mao's Reds
detest Americans, and hold half a dozen United States consuls under house1
arrest? "We must at all costs avoid the appearance of wanting to punish the
Chinese people for having a government which we didn't approve for them in
advance." As if the Chinese were really anxious for a puppet Red regime.
We must not support any rump government, for that would be dividing China.
We must extend credits to poor Red China and help build it up by trade and
American engineering "know-how" as "Ford Motors and General Electric did
in Russia in the period between wars." But let's not lay down any conditions-,
for our aid, by insisting that Red China be hostile to Red Russia.
And if all that isn't enough to make Uncle Sam snspect that Owen Lattimore
is making a fool out of him in the interests of world communism, the expert
goes much further: "The new government of China will claim China's Big Five
position in the United Nations, including the right of veto. By the use of our
own veto we could delay China in moving into this position," but of course it
would be unfair to deprive Russia of another vote, especially since Russia has
had nothing whatsoever to do with imposing communism on China. See now
why the pinks are so strong on their insistence that the Bed movement in China
is purely nationalistic? And another vote for Mother Russia?
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1665
Let's take Outer Mongolia, that voted unanimously to be annexed to Russia
in 1945 — each voter being required to sign his name on Ins ballot. "Mongolia,"
he says, "is between a Communist-ruled Russia and a Communist-controlled
China. Ii would be an advantage to American policy to be able to emphasize that
there is a country occupying 600,000 square miles of territory * * * inhabited
by people who are neither Chinese nor Russians. It is impossible to make use
of this advantage unless the separation of outer Mongolia is emphasized by
membership in the United Nations. * * * it is true that Mongolia as a
member of the United Nations would mean another vote for Russia; but would
tbis be a greater disadvantage than our present complete lack of access to this
key country between China and Russia?" (p. 226).
Yes. Mr. Lattimore. it would. Considering that the whole United States has:
but one vote in the United Nations, while Russia started out with three, it is
simply wonderful of Owen Lattimore to give a couple more Far East satellite
votes to our "cold war" enemy. Since he is one of the chief advisers to our
Far Eastern State Department Bureau, is it any wonder that disaster has been
piled on disaster in Asia for Americans while world communism engages in
frenzied applause? If Mr. Lattimore is permitted to turn over one Far Eastern
vote after another to Russia, Moscow will soon dominate the United Nations,
and then can safely discard the veto. Why should one man, whose writings
show he has no knowledge of the character of China's Reds, be allowed to go
on unchallenged promoting chaos and ruining Christianity in Asia? True, he
doesn't say he wants a Red Asia; but the publisher of his Situation in Aria
indicates his intentions when on the jacket of the book they print a map of
Lattimore's Asia, including Japan, Sakhalin, all of China, the Philippines, 1 Qe
Dutch East Indies, Siam, Burma, Malaya, and India, in nice Soviet Red.
Exhibit No. 75
[From the New Masses, October 12, 1937]
China's Communists Told Mb — A Specialist in Fab Easteen Affaibs Inteb-
views the Leading Men of Red China in Theib Home Teekitobies
(By Philip J. Jaffe)
Fifteen days before Japanese troops opened fire on a Chinese garrison near
Peiping. I was seated in the one bare room which is the home of Mao Tse-tvngr
the political leader of the Chinese Communist Party. In the course of the in ;er-
view Mao Tse-tung said to me: "Japan cannot stop now. Japan wants to
swallow China. Its next stept will not be long delayed. You ask about the
future of the united front? The united front is inevitable because Japan's
invasion farther into the heart of China is inevitable."
Twenty-four hours later, in the military headquarters of the former Chinese
Red Army, only two big rooms, walls covered with huge military maps, I asked
the most famous of the Communist commanders, General Chu Teh : "Why do
you think that General Chiang Kai-shek will have to accept the aid of the Red
Army?"
Chu Teh replied : "A form of the united front has now existed for several
months and has resulted in a large measure of internal peace. The Chinese
bourgeoisie, however, is not easily able to forget its ten-year fight against the
Red Army. But when the war with Japan eventually begins, it will not be a
question of what the bourgeoisie wants ; they will have to have the Red Army.
In a war with Japan, it will not only be a question of regular troops. China
must also depend on its peasants and workers whom the Communists alone can
lead. It is not merely the numbers of the army which count ; it is the mass
population as well. If Chiang Kai-shek thinks that he can raise a large army
to fight Japan, without at the same time enrolling the masses as the backbone
of the struggle, then he will be rudely disappointed. No war against Japan can
be successful without a correct organization of the peasants and workers, and
this only the Red Army can successfully carry out."
Two weeks later I knew that the prophecy made by the two famous leaders of
the former Chinese Red Army had been fulfilled. On July 7, Japan invaded
North China. On August 22, the first stage of the united front — that of military
cooperation — was concluded between the Nanking and Red Armies. In the
words of the official communique from Nanking, "the Chinese government and
1666 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
the Communist army have been fighting for the last ten years ; this is the official
conclusion of the war." Mao Tse-tung has since been appointed governor of the
former Soviet region, now renamed the Special Administrative District. Chu
Teh has been appointed commander-in-chief of the former Red Army, now called
the Eighth Route Army. Chou En-lai, another outstanding Communist with
whom I spoke, is the official Communist representative on the general staff in
Nanking.
Mao Tse-tung, political leader. — Yenan is the capital of the former Soviet re-
gion. On June 21, after four days' travel from Sian, the capital of Shensi
province, scene of the Chiang Kai-shek incident of last December, through semi-
starved villages, on bridgeless rivers and roads deep with gullies, we finally
passed through the beautiful, ancient main gate of Yenan. We were greeted
at the gate by Agnes Smedley, the distinguished American writer and an old
friend of the Chinese people. While in Yenan, our party which included beside
myself, T. A. Bisson of the Foreign Policy Association, and Owen Lattimore,
editor of Pacific Affairs, stayed at the Foreign Office. The building was soon
buzzing with excitement. We had barely finished our first dinner in Yenan,
when guests arrived: Ting Ling, China's foremost woman writer; Li Li-san,
an old associate of Dr. Sun Yat-sen ; the only two non-Chinese then in the region,
Agnes Smedley and Peggy Snow, wife of the American writer, Edgar Snow, and
many Communist leaders. Before long, we were talking and singing in a variety
of languages. In the midst of our animated discussion, somebody entered
quietly and sat down. "Comrade Mao,'' someone said — Mao Tse-tung, the polit-
ical leader of the then Cbinese Soviet Government.
We spent many hours with him after that evening — at interviews, during
meals, at the theater — and we were increasingly impressed by the complete
sincerity and lack of ostentation that is so typical of him and of the other leaders
we saw. It was during these visits that we grew to feel his tremendous force,
a force likely to be overlooked at first because of the low, even voice, the quiet
restraint of his movements, and the beautiful hands, almost too delicate for a
soldier, but so dexterous with the writing brush. But the quiet voice speaks
with brilliance and authority, the movements of the tall slim body with slightly
stopped shoulders are sure and well coordinated. Like all other Red Army com-
manders, Mao wears exactly the same uniform as the rank-and-file soldiers, eats
the same food, sleeps on the same sort of k'ang (a low, long bed of stone), avoids
all social ceremonies, and altogether lives an extremely simple life. It becomes
easy to understand the tremendous personal appeal which Mao has as a leader.
This leadership dates from the first organizational meeting of the committee
ivhich organized the Chinese Communist Party in Shanghai in 1920. Mao
was an important figure at that meeting.
Our interviews with Mao Tse-tung were many and on a host of topics : the
evolution of Nanking's policy; the inner political struggle within Nanking; the
Sian incident ; the united front ; the student movement ; the role of other
powers in Far Eastern affairs ; and the perspectives of China's future develop-
ment, etc. But since Mao Tse-tung asked me to transmit a message to the
American people, it is perhaps best to confine his remarks to those concerning
America and its isolationist policy.
"Though there are many Americans who are isolationist in principle," he
began, "America is not and cannot be isolationist. America is in this respect
like other capitalist countries: part proletariat, part capitalist. Neither one
nor the other can be isolationist. Capitalism in the imperialist countries is
world-wide, and so is the problem of liberation which needs the effort of the
world proletariat. Not only does China need the help of the American prole-
tariat, but the American proletariat also needs the help of the Chinese peasants
and workers. The relation of American capitalism to China is similar to that
of other capitalist countries. These countries have common interests as well
as conflicting ones — common in that they all exploit China, conflicting in that
each wants what the oilier has, as exemplified by the conflict between Great
Britain and the United States, as well as between Japan, Britain, and the United
States. If China is subjugated by Japan, it will not only be a catastrophe for
the Chinese people, but a serious loss to other imperialist powers."
At this point Mao was handed a wireless message announcing both the fall
of Bilbao and the resignation of France's premier, Leon Blum. We discussed
the probable causes of both these events. Mao clearly showed his grasp of the
world situation, despite the isolating distance. We took time off to answer a
host of questions, this time by him. What is the comparative strength of the
Socialist and Communist Parties in America? Did we know the life-stories of
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1667
John L. Lewis and Karl Browder? The strength of the American labor unions?
The Trotskyites? American official opinion on the Far Bast?
Then Mao Tse-tung continued: "The Chinese revolution is not an exception, it
is one part of the world revolution, it lias special characteristics, but funda-
mentally it is similar to the Spanish, French, American, and British struggles.
These struggles are all progressive. Therein lies their similarity. It is this
similarity that evokes the broad sympathy of the American masses and their
concern with the fate of the Chinese people. We, on our part, are also con-
cerned with the fate of the American people. Please convey this message to your
people. The difference between our peoples lies in this : the Chinese people, unlike
the Americans, are oppressed by outside invaders. The American people are, of
course, oppressed from the inside, but not by feudal forces. It is the hope com-
mon to all of us that our two countries shall work together."
Chu Teh, military leader. — Though Chu Teh is known to the outside world for
his military exploits, his other activities are many and varied. We first met
Chu Teh in a class he was teaching on the "Fundamental Problems of the Chi-
nese Revolution." Wearing spectacles, he could very well have been mistaken
for a professional teacher. At the People's Anti-Japanese Military Political
University at Tenan, he teaches both military tactics and Marxist-Leninist
principles. From 1022 to 1925, Chu Teh studied political and economic science,
philosophy, and military strategy in Germany. As a result he speaks German
freely. His favorite recreations are reading, conversation, horseback riding,
and basketball. The latter sport is a subject for much fun among the troops.
His love for the game is greater than his ability and he can often be found
hanging about a group which is choosing sides. If he is not picked, he quietly
moves on to the next court in the hope that there his luck will turn. My greatest
disappointment at Yenan was that rain ruined an appointment we had to play
basketball with him.
Chu Teh, commander-in-chief of the Eighth Route Army, is the personifica-
tion of the spirit of these armies which for ten years have been continuously
victorious in the face of overwhelming odds. His career has been devoted
mainly to the military side of revolutionary activities. Fifty-one years old, he
has taken part in the entire development of modern China, from the overthrow
of the Manchu dynasty in 1911 to the present struggle against Japan. Begin-
ning with August 1, 1927, when, together with another famous Red commander,
Ho Lung, he organized the Nanchang uprising, he participated in exploits which
have now become legend. In November 1931, the first All-Soviet Congress in
Juikin, Kiangsi, bestowed upon him the title of commander-in-chief of the army.
Even in Nanking I heard many call Chu Teh the greatest military genius in all
China.
There is strength and assurance in that square, stocky figure, in that strong
peasant face, weather beaten by a life of campaigning, and in those small bright
eyes which are quite hidden when he laughs, and he laughs frequently. We took
a picture of him standing with legs apart and hands on hips. That is Chu Teh.
"The Red Army in this region under our direct command numbers about ninety
thousand," he began. "This force occupies a contiguous territory extending
from North Shensi to East Kansu and South Ninghsia. From Yenan to Sanyan
there are some partisan troops in Kuomintang uniforms. In this region pro-
fessional full-time partisans number from ten to twenty thousand. The number
of part-time partisans is much larger ; their duties are to maintain order in their
districts.
"Of the ninety thousand regular troops here, only twenty to thirty thousand
come from the original Kiangsi district. About thirty thousand were recruited
on the way, chiefly in Szechwan, and the rest are from local areas.
"In other partisan areas there are various groups numbering from one to three
thousand soldiers, but it is bard to estimate the total figure ; we ourselves are
not certain about this. These partisan areas are located in southern Shensi
(southwest of Sian), the Fukien-Kiangsi border, the Honan-Hupeh-Anhwei
border, northeastern Kiangsi. the Hunan-Hupeh-Kiangsi border, the Kwang-
tung-Hunan border, the Kiangsi-Hunan border, and the Shensi- Szechwan border.
Connections with several of these are still maintained, but not with all ; and
these connections are irregular and uncertain." Asked if we might publish this,
Chu Teh replied : "It doesn't matter. The fact is well known throughout
China."
Having seen many Red troops carrying on their maneuvers with excellent new
rifles, machine guns, automatic rifles, and the ubiquitous Mausers, we were
curious to know how well armed they were as a whole. Chu Teh replied, "Our
1668 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
regular ninety thousand troops in the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia region are in
general well armed. Other equipment, such as clothes, food, and supplies, is
not satisfactory. Although it greatly improved after the Sian incident, it is still
far from sufficient. Though we had established contact with Chang Hsueh-
liang before the Sian affair, it was only during the two weeks following the
actual incident that any large quantity of munitions, clothing, and food reached
us."
As Ohu Teh continued the conversation, punctuated frequently by his broad,
genial smile, he came to the discussion of his well-known theory of the military
tactics necessary to defeat Japan, namely, to avoid decisive engagements in the
early stages in favor of guerrilla tactics to encircle the enemy and harass it
until its morale was shattered. We wanted to know something about the Man-
churian volunteers. Were they really well, organized or were they mere hungry
^'bandits"?
"At first," Chu Teh said, "the Manchurian volunteers were largely impoverished
peasants and the scattered remnants of the defeated Manchurian troops. They
operated without a plan, could not accomplish much, and finally were almost
destroyed. The Communist Party then began to organize new peasant detach-
ments who were later joined by what remained of the original volunteers. As
a result, most of these formerly leaderless forces have been converted into
important detachments with wide popular support. This year there has been
some increase in the number of volunteers along the Korean border, in eastern
Fengtien, and in eastern Kirin. The increase has been more systematic than
hitherto. New groups have recently been formed in Jehol and Chahar. About
three months ago a report to me stated that the total number of Manchurian
volunteers ranged from fifty to sixty thousand." In reply to a statement made
by the Japanese to the effect that 70 percent of the Manchurian volunteers are
Communists, Chu Teh said that this was not an exaggeration.
On the united front. — Of all the questions facing China and the former Soviet
area the most important is that of the united front. No one in Soviet China
knows the details of the negotiations more intimately than Chou En-lai, vice
chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council, and second in imi>ortance
only to Mao Tse-tung. It was he who carried on all the negotiations with
Chiang Kai-shek. Born thirty-nine years ago of a mandarin family, Chou
En-lai joined the revolutionary movement in 1011. Upon his return to China
in 1024 from a stay abroad, he became chief of the political department of the
Whampoa Military Academy under the direction of Chiang Kai-shek. It is said
that even today the generalissimo has a great fondness for Chou. When asked
why the united-front conversations were then not moving very fast, Chou En-lai
said : "The form of the Chinese united front is quite different from that in
Europe or the United States. In China two parties fought each other for ten
years. The Communist Party, representing the proletariat and peasantry, was
a revolutionary party with its own areas and military forces as well as its
own social, political, and economic system. The Kuomintang represented the
ruling social groups throughout the rest of China. But the position of the
Chinese bourgeoisie was such that the obstacles arising from their class posi-
tion could not forever bar a united struggle against Japan. The bourgeoisie
•of China have at last come to realize that the Japanese invasion harms all classes
and that, standing alone, they are too weak to safeguard China's freedom and
independence."
Up to the time of Japan's most recent invasion, the united-front negotiations
had progressed quite slowly though not without positive results. Internal peace
had been achieved, and the two armies no longer fought each other. Confiscation
of land in the Soviet regions was abolished. The name of the Red Army was
changed. Dramatic troupes began to tour the countryside to teach the peasants
the meaning of democratic elections. Nanking began to contribute a considerable,
though as yet insufficient, sum of money monthly to the Soviet area. Technical
difficulties made a complete united front often seem impossible. But Japan's
military aggression scattered all the major obstacles.
The land problem. — Ever since October 1985, when the main body of the
Communist armies from Central and South China began to arrive in north
Shensi. their immediate objectives have been twofold. First, to build a perma-
nent base for internal development, and second, and more important, to use this
base as a spearhead for unifying all elements in China for a successful war
of defense against the invading Japanese militarists. Despite the fact that
the former Soviet area, the largest single contiguous territory ever held under
Communist rule, started as one of the most economically backward areas in
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1669
China, the welfare of the peasants and workers has been improved considerably.
There is not sufficient room here to tell all that we saw and beard, but a few
high spots, in the words of Po K'u, one of the important leaders of the region,
will perhaps shed some light.
Po K'u's home and office is in the abandoned compound of an English Baptist
mission. When we expressed surprise at finding religious pictures hanging on
his walls, l'o K'u said that he left the comi>ound just as he found it in the hope
that the missionaries would return.
In reply to several questions ou the land confiscation problem, Po K'u said
in quite good English: "When the first Soviets were established in 1933 in
Shensi, all the good land along the river hanks was in the hands of rich
landlords who used the great famine of 1030 as a lever for confiscating this
land. From then until the Sian incident in December 193G, all this land was
divided among the peasants ; all taxation and levies were abolished ; democratic
liberty was extended to all ; peasants built up their own armed forces for their
protection instead of relying on landlords' forces ; and peasants enjoyed the aid
and direction of the Soviet government to increase production, improve the land,
and develop consumer cooperatives.
"After the Sian incident when the united-front conversations had already
begun, the redivision of land among the peasants was stopped in districts occupied
after the beginning of the negotiations. In general, the ownership of land is not
the main problem in this territory. Land is plentiful, for Shensi is thinly
populated, with an average of one family to every thirteen miles. The form of
•exploitation and, therefore, the main problem are usury and excessive interest
rates on money and cattle. Land rents and money lending rates, therefore, have
been reduced drastically. The maximum rent now permitted in the Soviet areas
is 30 percent of the land produce, and peasants can bargain with landlords to
further reduce this percentage, while the money-lending rate has been reduced
from a general 10 percent monthly rate to a maximum of 2 percent. Even last
year, when warfare was still going on, the Soviet government spent one hundred
thousand dollars for ploughs, seeds, etc., while this year there will be an addi-
tional cash distribution of sixty thousand dollars."
Apparently there has been a great deal of confusion about this abandonment of
land confiscation. Mao Tse-tung's pithy words perhaps explain it most simply.
He said : "It is not so much a question now of whether our land belongs to the
peasants or the landlords, but whether it is Chinese or Japanese." The same
reasoning is applied by the Communist leaders to the larger question of China as
•a whole. To all of them "it is not a question now of which general controls which
province, but whether the land will remain Chinese or come under Japanese
control. If the latter should happen, the original problem disappears."
Life in the Special Administrative District. — Our visit, however, did not
consist only of a series of interviews. We visited stores and shops, noting
with interest how much cleaner and more orderly they were than any we had
seen on our trip, and how relatively well stocked they were. And the cheesecloth
covering the food for sale stood in marked contrast to the cities in non-Soviet
areas where the only coverings we had seen were armies of flies. Even the
■dogs, the most miserable of all living things in China, were active and barking.
Anyone who has seen the worm-eaten, starved gaunt dogs of China, too weak even
to move out of the way of a passing vehicle, will understand the meaning of
that.
Culturally, too, the Soviet region is making great strides. Besides Yenan, the
•present capital, three other cities are being developed as cultural centers:
Tingpien, Y'enchang, and Chingyang. Anti-Japanese academies and dramatic
groups are the axes around which the cultural life is being developed. Study
classes, reading rooms, theatricals, dances, lectures, and mass meetings are
regular features of life in the Soviet territories. We were amused to hear the
universal complaint of all librarians. "They keep the books out too long."
But most interesting and important of all was our visit to the theater. A
troupe of players was scheduled to go on the road the following clay, and they
graciously went through their repertoire for us as well as for their own delighted
audience. In a packed auditorium, seated on low, narrow, backless wooden
benches, before a crude stage whose footlights were flickering candles, we sat
through four hours of amazingly excellent plays, superbly acted. With perfect
realism (so different from the classical Chinese theater) and delightful humor,
they presented plays designed to teach the peasants how to vote and how to
unite. They explained the value of cleanliness, of vaccination, of education,
and the stupidity and danger of superstitions. At one point, for instance, one
1670 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
character complained of being tired. "We weren't tired on our seven thousand-
mile march," was the reply. And the audience roared as did Mao, Chu Teh,
and the rest of the leaders who sat next to us, having as good a time as anyone.
The high spot of the evening was a really professional performance of a scene
from Gorki's Mother, which had been given at the Gorki memorial evening
celebrated in Yenan, and a Living Newspaper by the young people on such sub-
jects as bribery, bureaucracy, and hygiene. All these plays were being sent out
to the villages.
Our visit to Yenan was climaxed by a huge mass meeting, addressed by Chu
Teh, Bisson, Lattimore, and myself and attended by the one thousand five hun-
dred cadet students of the People's Anti-Japanese Military-Political University
and about five hundred from other schools. Here are some questions asked of
me. "What is the position of woman in the U. S. A.? How do American workers
live and how developed is their movement? What are the results of Roosevelt's
N. R. A. campaign? What is the present situation in the Left literary movement
in America? What do the American people think of our long march west?"
And innumerable questions concerning America's attitude in the event of a Sino-
Japanese conflict, the American attitude toward the war in Spain, and what
Americans think of the Kuomintang-Communist cooperation.
This stress on the role of the United States is altogether typical of the reac-
tion throughout China. These people have traditionally considered Americans
as their friends and they do not want us to fail them now. A few days after
our arrival in Shanghai, I received a letter from Agnes Smedley which tells bet-
ter than I am able how much hope and enthusiasm the visit of Americans evoked
in the former Soviet regions.
"In my imagination I follow your journey from here, and my friends and I
speculate as to your exact location day by day, and your exact occupation. I
want to tell you that you left behind remarkable friends. I did not realize the
effect of that meeting until two or three days had passed. Then it began to roll
in. I have no reason to tell you tales. But the meeting, and your speech in
particular, has had a colossal effect upon all people. One was so moved by it
that he could not sleep that night but spent the night writing a poem in praise
of you all. I enclose the poem. It is not good from the literary viewpoint. But
from the viewpoint of the emotion behind it. it is of value. It is a deeply pas-
sionate poem. It is not good enough to publish, but it is good enough to carry
next to your heart in the years to come. To that meeting, it may interest you to
know, came delegations sent by every institution. Many institutions could not
cross the rivers. But they sent activists, groups of six to a dozen. They later
gave extensive reports. I am getting those reports from instructors day by day.
All are deeply impressed and moved and grateful to you and all of you. There
has never been anything like this here before."
Exhibit No. 76
[From the Far Eastern Survey, American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations.
June 7, 1944]
China's Part in a Coalition War
(By T. A. Bisson)
(Mr. Bisson is a member of the International Secretariat of the Institute of
Pacific Relations)
The recent Chinese victory helps to swell the tide of United Nations' mili-
tary successes as the decisive summer of 1943 begins. It coincides with the first
significant Anglo-American triumphs in Europe, and links together the two
global fronts — East and West — more unmistakably and more prophetically than
ever before. Already, as the Mediterranean is cleared for United Nations-
merchant shipping, Japan girds herself for the sterner test which her military
leaders see ahead .
The Chinese victory is playing an even mure important role in the political
field, for it tends to ease the srrimis friction which had developed between China
and the other members of the United Nations. It was a victory won mainly by
Chinese armed forces. As such, it gives the lie to the alarmists, both in and oat-
side China, who were beginning to clamor that the economic situation had
become so bad that the collapse of Chinese resistance to Japan was threatened.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1671
But tlic victory was also won in collaboration with the United States 14th Air
Force Command. As such, it was a demonstration that some American aid —
little enough in the face of the wwds of the Chinese front, and pitifully meager
when measured against the past contributions of China for the right against
Japanese aggression — was being practically effective in a current operation.
It is to be hoped that, in the wake of the recent Roosevelt-Churchill strategy
conferences at Washington, further military aid of a similar practical nature
has been scheduled for China. More than airplanes are needed. Preparations
for a Burma campaign should be already well under way if operations are to
begin this fall, as our military commentators have indicated.1
There are no sound reasons, moreover, for accepting the pessimistic conclusion
that China is unable to help herself, pending the arrival of military or economic
aid on a large scale. In a significant review of the Hupeh campaign, General
Ch'en Ch'eng declared on June D, from his headquarters at Enshih, that the initial
Japanese penetration of difficult terrain "was due to our negligence." 2 He then
went on to state that it was necessary for China "to coordinate the military,
political and economic aspects" of the war, and "to intensify preparations for
a counterattack."
From a Chinese commander in Ch'en Ch'eng's position, there are strong words.
They are a double rebuke. They imply, in the first place, that the Kuomintang
armies displayed a military passivity during the first phase of the Japanese
advance. They suggest, in the second place, that a more comprehensive and-
energetic mobilization of China's war potential is required in order to pass to
the attack. With both China and the other United Nations doing their full share
in the coming months, it should be possible to make the situation much more
difficult for the Japanese forces in China.
An easy attainment of these desirable ends should not be expected. They
can be accomplished only if the changes in policy required by a united war in the
Far East are made by China, as well as by the other members of the United
Nations. The disunity which featured this past winter is the result of a long
series of mistakes, omissions and failures, past and present, which have com-
bined to weave a network of frustration around "the China problem." There
have been legitimate grievances on the part of China. Some of these still exist
and should be remedied. Others are mixed with a past which at this time might
better be buried and forgotten.
FEARS ABOUT KUOMINTANG POLICY
There have been well-justified fears and apprehensions over the trend of
Kuomintang policy within China, shared by some of the keenest and most dis-
cerning friends of the Chinese people in countries abroad. These apprehensions
are based on a careful appraisal of conditions in China, as will be indicated in
some detail later on in this article. They cannot be lightly dismissed. They
affect not only the current prosecution of the war, but also the prospects for the
postwar emergence of a stable, united and democratic China.
It is essential that the mistakes of the United Nations in dealing with China,
as well as China's own shortcomings should be brought into the open and sub-
jected to critical examination. Innuendoes and behind-the-scenes speculation
and gossip, which have largely taken the place of frank and open statements in
recent months, have a much more serious effect than forthright exchanges on the
issues now uppermost. Frank appraisal of these issues becomes disruptive and
harmful only if used in bitterness and with a desire to wound. Critical exam-
ination should rather be directed toward uncovering mistakes and unhealthy
tendencies, and indicating the path to be taken to correct them.
MISTAKES IN UNITED NATIONS' POLICY
Present Chinese grievances are cast against an historical background in which
China suffered greatly from policies followed by western nations now engaged
in Che common struggle against Axis aggression. It is unnecessary at this time
t» eater into a discussion of this background, including China's long and painful
efforts to throw off the shackles imposed by the "unequal treaties." Fortunately,
the treaties recently concluded with China by Great Britain and the United
1 See, for example, Hanson Baldwin in the New York Times, June 16, 1943.
; China Daily News, June 19, 1943. General Ch'en Ch'eng had been previously trans-
ferred (probably in February) from this vital sector to the Yunnan front, but was recalled
to command of the Hupeh operations after the Japanese offensive had developed.
1672 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
States, which provide for the abolition of the extraterritorial system, promise-
a speedy termiantion of this long-standing injustice.
Proper appreciation of this historiacl factor should lead to somewhat more-
generous policies in working out arrangements already made and others which
may prove necessary. It is advisable, for example, that agreements for the ren-
dition of leaseholds, such as Kowloon and Kwangchowwan, and for the return to
China of Hongkong be worked out now and announced as soon as possible. It
is also necessary that the postwar restoration of Manchuria and Formosa to
China be unequivocally indicated. A declaration that Korea shall obtain its
freedom is required in more formal terms than hitherto stated. Exclusion laws
on the United States' statute books are a standing affront to the Chinese.
Finally, China is rightfully interested in the postwar future of India and the
countries of Southern Asia. There can be no real independence for China in a
Far East that remains largely colonial or semicolonial.
These are not the burning issues of the moment, but they are directly related
to the task of winning the allegiance of all Far Eastern peoples, including the
Chinese, and therefore to an efficient and effective prosecution of the war.
MILITARY AID NEEDED
The issue of more immediate concern to China is that of military aid and sup-
'port. This question also has its historical setting. For some four years, nearly
up to Pearl Harbor. China held the fort against Japanese aggression virtually
alone. The aid rendered to her by the United States and Britain was almost
purely economic ; up to 1941, they had supplied little or no munitions of war to
the Chinese armies. During this period, moreover, the economic aid to China was
heavily outweighed by the stream of American and British strategic materials
flowing across the Pacific to the Japanese war machine.
All this formed the background to Pearl Harbor. Immediately thereafter,
China experienced a further series of chilling disillusionments. Within a few
months, Japanese forces had swept the British and Americans out of their Far
Eastern strongholds. Some of the circumstances attending this defeat which
directly affected the Chinese cut more deeply than the defeat itself. At Hong-
kong, the local Chinese population was not permitted a share in the military
operations, while in Malaya the attempt to enlist the Chinese in the defense of
the peninsula was made too late to be effective. Negotiations attending the entry
of Chinese troops into Burma were inexcusably protracted. When defeat came
in Burma, too, China saw the last of her road-and-rail links to the Pacific cut
for an indefinite period.
These factors reinforced the validity of China's demand for effective military
aid. Yet at the moment when the validity of her demand stood at its highest
point, and political barirers ("neutrality" or appeasement policies) had been
removed, the facilities for satisfying that demand suddenly became most cir-
cumscribed.
Some assistance has been rendered during the past 18 months. On the economic
front, the 500-million-dollar loan has been a positive psychological factor, even
though its full utilization has been made impossible by the inability to send
goods into China in large amounts. Small quantiiies of munitions and supplies
have been flown in from India. The former devastating bombings of Chungking
have ceased, as a result both of the appearance of an American air force in China
and of Japan's preoccupation with other fronts in the Pacific war. In addition
to their defense role, American planes have conducted modest bombing forays
and participated in tactical operations supporting Chinese ground forces.
It still remains true that the sum total of this aid is lamentably small. More
transport planes can be assigned to the India-China air route, both to increase
the flow of war materials into China and to expand the Ameriacn air forces now
operating from Chinese bases. It is probable that the increased emphasis on
the Pacific war fronts, recorded in the Churchill-Roosevelt conferences, includes
expansion of this air freight being carried into China.
The recent Burma campaign was thoroughly disappointing. Much larger air
and naval forces must be employed in any operation meant to be decisive in this
theater. To the Chinese, the effectiveness of military aid is measured by the
quantity of weapons reaching China and by the seriousness of the effort made to
reconquer Burma.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1673
CHINA MISPLAYS HER HAND
The strength of China's case is such that it requires no elaboration. Before
Pearl Barbor, the western democracies were already heavily indebted to China;
since then, the indebtedness has steadily increased. The importance of Chinas
position in the Far East, both during and after the war, requires that this account
be fully discharged in the shortest time possible.
There was no need to pass beyond the bounds of this argument. It rests on
unassailable foundations. It is unanswerable, save by action on the part of the
western democracies.
In the American forum of this past winter, nevertheless, the tragic fact is that
China badly misplayed her hand. Instead of conducting the debate along the
above lines, the representatives of Chungking called into question the basic
strategy of the war. On more than one occasion, in private as well as in public,
the demand was voiced that Japan rather than Germany should be made Enemy
No. 1. or that forces comparable to those being utilized in Europe should be sent
into the Pacific.
In choosing this ground for debate, China's representatives were committing
three basic mistakes. They were demonstrably wrong, in the first place, on the
point at issue. The consensus of expert military opinion is overwhelming on the
fact that the German war machine is more formidable than the Japanese.
United Nations' war potential— Russian, British, American— is predominantly
concentrated in the European-Atlantic theater of operations. With logistics
playing the great role which it does in this war, and in view of the acute shipping
shortage, it was inevitable that the choice be made to eliminate the nearest
enemy first.
Above all, this choice had been made early in 1942 ; by last winter, it had clearly
become the settled strategy on which the war was to be waged. To reverse that
strategy in the winter of 1942^3, after the North African campaign had begun,
would obviously have been unwise and dangerous. The demand that relatively
equal forces be dispatched to the Pacific is merely a variant of the same thesis,
with similarly dangerous possibilities.
APPEAL TO THE ISOLATIONISTS
In the second place, taking domestic politics in the United States into consid-
eration, the appeal to reverse the strategy of the war represented a tactical
blunder of the first importance. It brought under attack a policy to which
President Roosevelt was thoroughly committed. More, it made its strongest do-
mestic appeal to the political opponents of the administration. These were, at the
same time, the isolationists who had supported appeasement of Japan, who had
strongly opposed aid to China, in the pre-Pearl Harbor clays. It was no accident,
but a logical development, that these same elements should now be clamoring
loudest of all for a policy "to defeat Hirohito first." Diversion of much of the
United Nations' strength to the Far East, before Hitler was disposed of, would be
the surest path to defeat on both sides of the globe. The appeal to these forces
failed, as it was bound to fail, and China's cause thereby suffered a bad set-back
in the United States.
In the third place, it was equally an error to lead the argument along lines
which suggested that China wras in danger of imminent collapse. This plea,
strongly advanced by many Chinese in the United States this past winter, argued
a weakness on China's part which the stubborn resistance of previous years
belied. It verged on a propaganda claim which the best-informed students of
Chinese conditions were not willing to accept at face value, despite the admittedly
serious economic situation which prevailed.
The argument that "you must save us quickly or all is lost'' had dangerously
confusing implications. To some Americans it suggested that China might have
to be written off as an effective ally in the immediate perspective of the war, and
that she would have to be picked up again at a later stage when greater forces
could be ranged against Japan. Much the sounder position for China would
have been to put up a strong front, to dig in and fight even harder, at the moment
of crisis. China's representatives could then have argued from strength and not
from weakness.
DOUBTS RAISED IN THE UNITED STATES
The net results of this American forum on the position and prospects of China
in the war have been confusing and, to some extent, disheartening. As the
1674 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
debate proceeded, it tended to disillusion many of the groups in the United States
best able to. help China. It raised questions as to the political judgment of the
Kuomintang regime and the representatives of Chungking who were acting for
China in the United States. It weakened the case for more effective Chinese rep-
resentation in the highest military councils of the United Nations where the basic
decisions on strategy are made. In many quarters, it strengthened existing
reservations as to the methods and conditions which should be applied in the
extension of aid to China.
Still more, it left questions in the minds of many Americans as to what lay
behind the ineptness of the political tactics applied to Chinese relations with
this country. The answers to these questions must be sought, in large part, in
the changes which have occurred in China's political and economic life during
the past few years.
TWO CHINAS
At the outset of such an analysis, it is necessary to repeat an important gen-
eralization stressed by many commentators on Chinese affairs — that the
early promise held out by the war for the broadening and deepening of Chinese
national unity through the achievement of liberal political and economic reforms,
has not been fulfilled.3 This promise, in fact, died early in the war.
It received its best documentary expression in "The Program of National Re-
sistance and Reconstruction" adopted by an emergency session of the Kuomintang
Congress at Hankow, on March 29, 1938.4 The democratic provisions even of
this program, which was not without shortcomings, were not carried out, and this
high point of the first year of the war soon became a melancholy landmark.
Early in 1939 the Kuomintang conservatives became alarmed at the rapid re-
conquest and reorganization of territories behind the Japanese lines by the
Eighth Route and New Fourth, Communist-led, armies.5 Clashes, at first spo-
radic, soon became more frequent. Early in 1941, the New Fourth army was out-
lawed by the Chungking military authorities, following an abortive effort to
destroy its headquarters corps and crush its leadership. Central Government aid
to the Eighth Route army had meanwhile lapsed ; and the blockade of the Shen-
Kan-Ning Border Region by Kuomintang forces, numbering some 500,000 and
commanded by General Hu Tsung-nan, has since continued.
A year or more before Pearl Harbor, therefore, two Chinas had definitely
emerged. Each had its own government, its own military forces, its own terri-
tories. More significant, each had its own characteristic set of political and
economic institutions. One is now generally called Kuomintang China ; the
other is called Communist China.
However, these are only party labels. To be more descriptive, the one might
be called feudal China ; the other, democratic China.6 These terms express the
actualities as they exist today, the real institutional distinctions between the
two Chinas.
COMPARISON OF CASUALTIES INFLICTED
In an attempt to analyze these differences, it should be recognized at once that
one is not dealing with irrelevant abstractions. The institutions which char-
acterize one China as feudal and the other as democratic have the most practical
relevance to the leading problems of the day. They are, in fact, the determinants
of all policies, domestic and international, espoused by the two Chinas. They
explain, as will be indicated, why Kuomintang China is compelled to demand
immediate aid on a scale so great as to necessitate reversal of United Nation's
global military strategy. They also explain the declining rate of casualties in-
flicted on the Japanese by the Kuomintang armies, as contrasted with the in-
creasing rate of casualties inflicted by the Eighth Route and New Fourth armies.
According to official reports, the Kuomintang armies have inflicted on the
Japanese average annual casualties (in a total of GO months) of 354,93"), while the
3 See, for a recent example, Pearl Buck, "A Warning About China," Life, May 10, 1943,
pp. 53-56.
4 For text, see Amerasia, April 25, 1943, pp. 118-120.
5 It is important to note that the "reorganization" — involving land reform and electoral
procedures in local government — was as much opposed as the "reconnuest." For the
emergency of effective political unity in China required, on the part of the Kuomintang, the
acceptance of at least these minimal land and electoral reforms.
6 The term "feudal," as here used, is intended to define a society in which the landlord-
peasant relationship is dominant and autocracy in government centers around this
relationship.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1675
combined annual average Cor the Eighth Route (F>S months' total) and the New
Fourth (48 months* total) amounted to 113,338. For the last comparable year
(.Inly l'.Ml -June 1942), however, the absolute figures are respectively 182,0!J4 and
130,010. In other words, the Kuomintang armies show an average annual record
of 7(> percent of total casualties inflicted, hut in 1P41-42 their achievement falls
to only 58 percent of the total. On the other hand, the record of the Eighth
Route and New Fourth armies was lifted to 42 percent of the total in 1941-42, as
against an annual average of 21 percent.
The significance of this comparison is that it excludes the problems of blockade
and foreign aid. Indeed, in these respects, the advantage lies entirely on the
side of the Kuomintang armies. They are supported by incomparably larger
populations and richer territories. They have enjoyed the benefit of virtually
all the military and economic aid rendered China by foreign nations. Since
before Pearl Harbor, the Eighth Route and New Fourth armies have been doubly
blockaded, by the Japanese on one side and by the Kuomintang armies on the
other.
The differences indicated by the casualty figures must therefore be explained
solely on the hasis of efficiency or lack of efficiency in the mobilization of the
human and material resources of the two Chinas. This question forces one back
to an examination of the institutions which differentiate the two regions.
DEMOCRATIC CHINA
The key to the successful mobilization of the war potential of so-called Com-
munist China lies in the extent to which its leaders have thrown off the feudal
incubus which has weighed China down for centuries. No single measure can be
pointed to as the open sesame which has increasingly achieved this objective.
Economic reforms have been intertwined with political reforms, the one sup-
porting the other. Basic to the whole program has been the land reform which
has freed the peasant — the primary producer in these areas, and, indeed, over
most of China — from the crushing wTeight of rent, taxes, and usurious interest
charges as levied by a feudal economy.
But the ingenuity of this reform, without which it could hardly be made to
work, is that the newly introduced procedures of local democracy serve as the
final sanction. The landlord and entrepreneur are not excluded from this proc-
ess, but neither are they permitted to dominate it. Tax assessment committees,
for example, are controlled by a majority of local members and exercise a
strictly local jurisdiction. Farmers know well what their neighbors own.
Over wide areas of this new China, elected councils — village, town, and
district — and elected executive officials have completely supplanted the old
autocratic system of feudal agrarian China. These councils and officials are
either unpaid or receive mere pittances wdiich leave them no better off econom-
ically than their fellow citizens.
It is this democratic process, finally, which permits a large measure of free
competition to operate over the whole of the economy. Bureaucratic price con-
trols are not attempted. They are as unnecessary in this society as they would
be in a New England town meeting. No landlord or merchant, with the watchful
eyes of his neighbors upon him, can engage in hoarding or speculation. Within
limits set mainly by local democratic checks, the individual landlord or entre-
preneur is free, and is even encouraged, to expand his operations, and many are
doing so.
By no stretch of the imagination can this be termed communism ; it is, in fact,
the essence of bourgeois democracy, applied mainly to agrarian conditions. The
leaders in Yenan see in this program more than the answTer to China's immediate
problem of efficiently mobilizing her resources for the war against Japan. They
see in it also the means of throwing off China's feudal shackles, the transition
to modern nationhood.
FEUDAL CHINA
The declining curve of military achievement by the Knomintang armies is
correlated with a progressive decrease in the economic strength of Kuomintang
China. While this decrease is notable, there is no need to adopt the alarmist
view that collapse is inevitable. The human and material resources of Kuo-
mintang China are large. Its economic reserves are still considerable. So also
are its militai'y reserves and potentialities.
General Ch'en Ch'eng's use of the term "negligence" clearly implied that more
could he done with the military resources at hand than was being done. Concen-
08970 — 50 — pt. 2 13
1676 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
tration on the demand for more planes and guns from abroad, in other words,
was getting in the way of full utilization of the weapons and forces at hand.
General Ch'en Ch'eng has since given a specific illustration of this situation by
pointing out that the American planes were based too far from the fighting
fronts to be fully effective in the Hupeh campaign.7 An attitude of military
passivity is revealed by this failure to develop facilities for air action near tne
front. The alert, active seizure of opportunities open even to limited means is
evidently lacking.
These considerations also apply to the economic sphere, although the problem
is far more complicated and difficult. Here, too, General Ch'en Ch'eng's com-
ments go straight to the nub of the issue. He states that "there should be
unrelenting vigilance and intensified preparations for counterattacks through
military, political and economic cordination." 8
This'is a demand for more vigorous action on the home front, with an emphasis
sharply different from pleas for help from outside. As has already been seen,
questions of blockade and outside aid are not necessarily decisive for effective
military resistance, providing an efficient economic mobilization is accomplished.
In Kuomintang China, such a mobilization is severely handicapped by the
leaders' unwillingness to challenge the basic postulates of the feudal system.
No serious effort has been made to uproot the landlord-usurer system. With the
port cities and their nascent bourgeois class removed, the landlords have become
the economic mainstay of the Kuomintang regime.
BUREAUCRACY TIGHTENS HOLD
At the same time, the bureaucracy has taken over administration of a con-
siderable slice of industrial production. Many industries have become govern-
ment monopolies, not forced to maintain tbemselves in competition with private
industry. Industrial development under private initiative, valuable as an offset
to feudal relations, and needed in an economy of scarcity, was thus choked off
at the very time when stimulation of the entrepreneur was justified. The de-
clining numbers and strength of the industrial class weakened its challenge to
the landlord-bureaucrat regime, thereby putting new props under the tottering
structure of Chinese feudalism.
In these circumstances, there could be no real progress toward democratic
reform or wider civil liberties. Inauguration of constitutional government, con-
sidered for a time in 1938, was eventually shelved for the duration. Non-
Kuomintang representatives on the People's Political Council, which could have
evolved into a national legislature, have steadily decreased. Over the new
Political Councils in the provinces, Kuomintang control is carefully maintained.
In the so-called "new hsien system," embodying the program for instituting rep-
resentative local government, candidates will be limited to those who have
acceptably passed through Kuomintang training schools, while suffrage will be
indirect and linked to the household units of the pao-chia system. These develop-
ments do not promise to create effective popular checks on the Kuomintang
bureaucracy.
With no effort at reform of the land system or initiation of democratic proc-
esses, the two basic prerequisites for an efficient wartime economic mobilization
were lacking. As conditions deteriorated, successive measures looking toward
the institution of a "controlled economy" were introduced. The bureaucracy
steadily expanded until its relative cost, measured against the limited output
of the productive system, itself became a drag on the war effort.
Even so, it could institute neither price nor commodity controls that were
adequate to stay the course of inflation. Grain hoarding and speculation, the
key factor in Kuomintang China's inflationary problem, could be curbed by
nothing less than genuine popular participation in application of the controls.
This solution was barred. In a country predominantly agrarian, with the land-
lords still entrenched in their feudal positions, no centralized government organ
could send out the multitude of agents required to enforce its paper controls.
Turn as it would, the bureaucracy could not solve this problem, and the eco-
nomic foundations of the war effort were increasingly undermined.
It is at this point that the true relevance of foreign aid to an economy of the
Kuomintang model becomes evident. In order to conduct war on the basis of
such an economy, access to the outside world is imperative. Steady injections
7 New York Times, June 28, 1043. The same paper on June 29 carried Ch'en Ch'ens's
statement that China needed "jruns and equipment of all kinds." and would welcome "even
onethousandth part of one percent" of United States production.
'China Daily News, June 19, 1943.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1677
of foreign Supplies were in fact pumped into Kuomintang China np to Pearl
Harbor, although In declining amounts after 1940.
Tins extreme dependence on aid from the outside is a key which unlocks many
mysteries. It provides an adequate explanation for the declining rate of the
Kuomintang armies- military achievements. It also explains the persistent
outcry in Chungking Eor a reversal of United Nations' strategy, as expressed
in the editorials of its leading papers." The desperate need for outside assist-
ance fell by Kuomintang China could only he met by such a reversal of strategy,
since this alone would bring aid quickly on a large scale. And, finally, this
appeal was logically transferred directly to the United States in the propaganda
campaign conducted last winter.
Obviously, the resources available in Free China are much too limited to
encompass the defeat of Japan. Larue amounts of outside supplies are essential
if the Chinese armies are to be equipped for successful offensives. Until then,
however, the need is for the most effective utilization and development of the
resources at hand.
Elements within Kuomintang China are making efforts to achieve this end,
as indicated by the forthright statements of General Ch'en Ch'eng. Strong
forces are working to establish greater freedom for the entrepreneur, as a means
to increase industrial production. The industrial cooperative movement, once
freed of bureaucratic restrictions, would be able to forge ahead more rapidly.
With proper encouragement, these sound elements within Kuomintang China
can do much to overcome current economic weaknesses, although more thorough-
going reforms are necessary in order to effect complete mobilization.
A COALITION WAR— AND ITS REQUIREMENTS
The United States, as the arsenal of democracy, bears a heavy responsibility
for the war program of the United Nations. Its immense productive effort has
begun to register with increasing effect on the war fronts. As the German tide in
Europe recedes, the pressure on Japan will steadily increase. It is clearly essen-
tial That China, which has borne the heat and burden of the defensive in the
Far East, should have a full and significant share in the victorious offensives
that are now in the making. Toward this end, it would be advisable that China
be given an adequate voice in framing the decisions on strategic policy. But
China herself must change, if she is to make her full contribution to a coalition
war.
Realistic thinking on this problem will be stimulated if there is candid recog-
nition that two Chinas exist at the present time. The task of statesmanship is
to merge these two Chinas into one. To be sound and effective, such unification
must come on the high plane of social advance and democratic reform. Until
unification is achieved on this plane, China's full strength cannot be placed behind
the war effort.
It is also necessary to recognize that Kuomintang China is passing through
a serious crisis. The challenge is for a renewal of the forward-looking elements
in the party of Sun Yat-sen and a bold cutting loose from an archaic past. De-
fections of allegiance, already occurring, will tend to increase as reform is post-
poned, and the leadership of the China of the future may well pass to the pro-
gressive forces outside the Kuomintang.
These issues in China pose a delicate and difficult problem for the other mem-
bers of the United Nations. They are issues of such fundamental importance,
however, that they cannot be ignored. Not only does the effective prosecution
of the war during its final phase depend on the answers given. The future status
of China as a healthy and vigorous nation, in which the people's livelihood is
safeguarded by democratic processes, is at stake. Only such a China, moreover,
can bring to the family of nations that level of constructive statesmanship that
will be needed to guard the peace that the war has won.
Exhibit No. 77
Red Myths, Starring China
(By Louis Francis Budenz, for Collier's)
America will be rocked, during the coming year, by mounting espionage
revelations. Shock after shock is about to be given the American people as to
9 See excerpts in article by Guenther Stein, Far Eastern Survey, June 14, 1943, p. 117.
1678 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
the extent their national security has been placed at the mercy of the Soviet
dictatorship, through native American traitors. The activities of Eugene Den-
nis, present secretary of the Communist Party, in the stealing of information
from the Office of Strategic Services during World War II, in itself constitutes
one of the gravest scandals that has ever hit this country.
Right now there is a gi-eat burning of documents in Communist conspiratorial
hide-aways and many feverish consultations as to how to cover up the widespread
looting by Moscow of our official files and secrets.
Along with this espionage, went an equally grave offense, which was carried
through with high success by Soviet agents; the winning of the confidence of
American public officials in order to influence and dictate American foreign poli-
cies. It is ironical that America's path in China has been exactly that mapped
out by Soviet agents here in the United States on behalf of Communist China.
The whole idea of "coalition government" — which American officialdom swal-
lowed hook, line, and sinker and which led to the withholding of real aid to
nationalist China — was concocted by Soviet Russia in order to defeat America
in the Far East. The orders to push this idea of "coalition government'' were
given to leading members of the Communist Party here, were printed in official
Communist publications, and then oddly enough became the patent medicine
of the Far Eastern Division of the State Department.
I was one of those who took a leading part in arranging for this deceit of
American officialdom. I sat in the conferences that received the instructions
from the Soviet capital and was active in carrying them out, for the discomfort
and defeat of the United States.
Neither the espionage nor the deceit (which made American policy so often
that which the Kremlin wanted it to be) could have been so successful had it
not been for the Red myths which were created to befuddle the American
people.
No hoax has been more complete and convincing than that which deluded
the American people from coast to coast into the belief that the Chinese Com-
munists were a mild edition of agricultural reformer. These Moscow agents,
pledged by their own declarations to establish Soviet slavery over the millions
in China, were portrayed by so-called experts and distinguished authors as a
sort of Non-Partisan Leaguer such as functioned for some time in North Dakota.
A writer like Harrison Forman could say in his Report from Red China that
he saw "not the slightest tangible connection with Russia" among these Chinese
Communists. He could even tell us that "occasionally I saw portraits of Marx
and Lenin; but these seemed the relics of a revolutionary past." And these
were the words of a man who was accepted by the American people as one of the
leading authorities on China as late as 1945. What he wrote there could be
refuted by every fundamental document issued by the Chinese Communists
and their leaders when they were writing for themselves and not giving interviews
to hick Americans.
Had Mr. Forman and other American "authorities" familiarized themselves
with the Chinese Communist programs they would know that repeatedly they
stated their adherence to "the revolutionary doctrines of Marx, Engels, Lenin,
and Stalin." These "authorities" would have known, as a striking instance,
of the declarations of the Chinese Communists in 1937. This was at the moment
when these Reds were about to "make a new peace" with Chiang Kai-shek be-
cause their masters in the Kremlin were on the eve of signing a nonaggression
pact with Nationalist China. At every turn of history, the Chinese Communists
have acted in accord with the twists taken by Moscow, and 1937 is a big year in
this respect.
It's a big year because the Chinese Communists from 1931 up to that time had
openly proclaimed their complete domination by Moscow. They had called the
territory they occupied "Soviet China" and their military forces "The Red Army."
It is a big year because it is the time when the Soviet fifth column in the United
States will begin to put forward the hoax of the Chinese Communists being
something other than Russian Communists.
But at that moment, when Soviet Russia had ordered the Chinese Reds to
make a change in tactics, they told themselves that this alleged cooperation with
Chiang Kai-shek was only a subterfuge. Through one of their leading spokes-
men. Wan Min. these Reds pledged that no matter what cloak they put on, they
would always b<> "true supporters of Marxist-Leninist teachings." 'They further
declared, to'show their devotion to Soviet Russia, that they would always remain
•true pupils" of the great teacher, Joseph Stalin! (You may read this at your
own convenience in International Press Correspondence, September 18, 1937,
vol. 17, No. 40, p. 924. )
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1679
It was in early 1937 that Earl Browder called a few of the Communists func-
tionaries, including myself, to a "China conference" on the Ninth Floor of the
Basl 12th Street house of treason. There were ten people present, conspicuously
among them being the late Harry Gannes, then foreign editor of the Daily
Worker and a reputed Red authority on China. To us Browder brought the word,
which lie said he had received from abroad, that "the followers of Mao Tse-tung
have to be presented in a new dress." This had been made by Moscow one of
the chief tasks of the American Party. Browder had served as a representative
of the Communist International in China for a number of years, and stressed
that China was "the herald of the emancipation of all Asia from the imperialist
yoke and would be the key to the smashing of American imperialism." These
words, uttered by the then chief Communist agent in America at the time when
the Reds were supposedly endorsing Franklin D. Roosevelt, were to be heard
frequently in secret Communist sessions from that time forward. They were to
break into print on a number of occasions in The Communist, official theoretical
organ of the Soviet fifth column bere.
China was the key to the Soviet domination of Asia, Browder told us bluntly,
and a Soviet-controlled Asia "was the beginning of the end of American imperial-
ism." That is why Moscow, we were told, placed upon the shoulders of the
American Communist Party the responsibility of persuading the American people
and our government to have "a benevolent attitude" toward the Chinese Reds.
It was then that Browder, with a sarcastic grin, said that our objective was
to "picture the Chinese Communists as a mild variation of the North Dakota
Non-Partisan Leaguers." This could not be done all at once, we all agreed,
since a tremendous amount of emphasis had previously been put on the "revolu-
tionary aspects of the Chinese Soviets." But as a beginning, it was agreed that
the name of an "authority" would be used — a name that would sound good to
the American people. The first decision of our China conference, therefore, was
to publish "tens of thousands of copies" (as Alexander Trachtenberg, the Soviet
cultural commissar here put it ) "of the interview with Mao Tse-tung, Communist
leader, obtained by Edgar Snow, the well-known American writer and published
originally in the China Weekly Review of November 1936.
While that interview did not go so far as Mao Tse-tung was to go later, in
picturing his cause as that of a mild agricultural movement, he did stress greatly
the principles of Sun Yat-sen, the socialistic-democratic leader. It is ironic to
note that the General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party was talking in
this language to Mr. Snow at the very time when Wan Min was writing in effect
that Sun Yat-sen's "principles" would be used only as a matter of strategy.
This idea of the upstanding Chinese Communists, the great agrarian reformers,
was peddled everywhere from that time on. It turned up in Washington, was
increasingly popular in certain sections of the State Department, and broke into
prominent positions in the American press. Everybody who was "in the know"
was ready to say that the Chinese Communists were entirely different from the
Communists of Soviet Russia and would never be anti-American nor puppets of
the Kremlin.
This propaganda was to reach its height around 1943, when the Communists
began the big campaign to see that the Cairo pact would be smashed. With the
same success with which they persuaded America to break its word to Poland
and also to agree to the Potsdam monstrosity, they proceeded to flood the United
States with the idea that there should be a coalition government in China. This
was "sold" by respectable authors throughout America. It was favored in some-
of the most surprising places in the field of public opinion. It was particularly
a pet theory of the Far Eastern Division of the State Department, which did
everything the Communists would have wanted that Division to do.
And yet. Mao Tse-tung had stated in a special report "On Coalition Govern-
ment" made in April 1945 to the Seventh National Convention of the Chinese
Communist Party, that this slogan would lead to the destruction of Chiang
Kai-shek and the defeat of "reactionary American imperialism." The "coali-
tion government" as a tactic aimed at the United States of America on behalf
of Soviet Russia was clearly emphasized as such in that report. The entire
history of Communist tactics throughout the world had been that all "coalition
governments" in which Communists joined are sabotaged by the and finally
conquered for Soviet imperialist purposes. The flood of document from Com-
munist China, which I could quote at length were it feasible to do so, had all
asserted the Marxist-Leninist aims of the Chinese Communists and their devo-
tion to Soviet Russia. Indeed, and most ironically, one of the main points made
by Mao Tse-tung in his coalition government report is that the Soviet Union has
changed the whole situation in China.
1680 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Interpreting this, the chief of the department of information of the Chinese
Communist Party, Lu Ting-Yi, places the New China on the side of the successes
of the Soviet Union, and against the American imperialists.
At the same time, in the first flush of victory, achieved through American
blundering, Mao Tse-tung now proclaims the Red advance in China to be against
American imperialism as well as against Chiang Kai-shek's gang of brigands.
He mentioned the great masses of people that will be brought into the struggle —
and puts them, in the world scales, against American Republic. Frederick V.
Field, the millionaire Chinese expert of the Communist Party, jubilantly writes
in the Political Affairs of July 1948: "Our Chinese comrades are destroying
American imperialism in the Far East. Let us, American anti-imperialists, at
least accept and make use of the historic contribution which they are making
toward our own welfare." This millionaire Communist agent chides American
labor for not being anti-American in its activities, and thus holding back from
"the new China which is developing under the leadership of the Communist
Party." A new enemy of tremendous strength in numbers is being forged in
Asia against the United States — and every agency of American life has aided
to make that enemy strong.
On December 7 last, it was discovered in Washington that there had been a
tragic lag in the delivery of promised war material and other goods to Na-
tionalist China. Fighting equipment valued only at .$63,000,000 had been de-
livered during the preceding eighteen months, whereas $220,000,000 in supplies
had been sent to Greece and Turkey in a similar period. This is merely an index
of the entire lag of American opinion and American governmental understanding
of the Chinese crisis. It is a measure of the powerful effectiveness of the Soviet
fifth column in the United States that it can report this and similar results in its
warfare against American imperialism.
How is it that American public opinion was drugged in this fashion? It was
the outcome of a most skillful and persistent campaign by the Soviet fifth
column coupled with an almost incredible amount of naivete on the part of
leading American citizens. I say this out of my own participation in much of
the planning on the part of the Reds, which went on at the 12th Street head-
quarters.
Our campaign was extensive but not complicated. It was simply to make
everybody ashamed of being for Nationalist China. This was done by playing
up the words "China's New Democracy" which was the title of a pamphlet written
by Mao Tse-tung in 1940. This pamphlet was designed to satisfy everybody
while at the same time educating the followers of the Chinese Communists to
an unbreakable alliance with Soviet Russia. When it was prepared for an
American edition, we had a special session on the Ninth Floor as to how to
handle some of its promises of the establishment of "dictatorship" and other
forecasts of a Soviet slave state. This was easily handled by editing out the
most flagrant verbiage, so that what Mao Tse-tung said on these points was
actually misrepresented in the American issue. The milder edition, with a
foreword by Earl Browder, went far to befuddle American liberals and not
a few American statesmen.
Nor was this campaign for Communist China merely a matter of persuading
good intentioned people to become mixed up. A special secret order was sent
out to the Communists, to be pushed in unions and in every occupation where
sympathizers were engaged, to see that books favoring Communist China were
widely sold. Arrangements were made — and I have sat in on some of them —
whereby the legs of book reviewers were to be pulled so that those words
which gave a break to the Chinese Comnmnists would receive favorable notices.
Back of all this was the popularization of the fiction that the Chinese Com-
munists had proved to be such bitter foes of Japanese imperialism. A lot of
noise was made about the statements in 1937 along that line when the agree-
ment with Chiang Kai-shek was reached. But writers of alleged high authority
were persuaded to forget that this pact of 1937 had only been reached because
Soviet Russia wanted it. It was also conveniently forgotten that when the
Kremlin entered into friendly relations with Japan, the Communists quit fighting
the Japanese entirely; they devoted themselves to harboring their forces for
the showdown with Chiang Kai-shek and the United States. I have distinctly
in mind a conference of American Communist leaders meeting in April 1941
to decide how to handle the Chinese situation after the Soviet-Japanese Pact,
at which a report was given that the Chinese Communists would preserve their
.strength as much as possible.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1681
One <>f the chief figures called upon by the Soviet fifth column to streamline
this campaign of confusion was Frederick Vanderbilt Field, who first became
conspicuous as Secretary of the Institute of Pacific Relations. Formerly a
Norman Thomas Socialist. Mr. Field became converted to the views of Moscow.
In turn, he became a writer for the New Masses, Communist weekly, a columnist
for the Daily Worker, official daily organ of the Communist Party, and now the
chief theoretical writer on Far Eastern affairs for Political Affairs, theoretical
organ of the Communist Party. This last distinction (following so soon after
Mr Field's service for the party at San Francisco, during the Conference of
the United Nations,) is a tribute by the Soviet fifth column to his services in
in
tluencing the opinion of many gullible American writers and publicists.
Two men of distinction who have seen eye to eye with Mr. Field for a long
time in regard to China, and who have enjoyed close personal relations with him
are Owen Lattimore, author of Solution in Asia, and Joseph Barnes, former
foreign editor of the New York Hearld Tribune and now editor of the leftist
New York Star. As a Communist, I have heard the names of Messrs. Lattimore
and Barnes frequently referred to in reports by Mr. Field, and always in the most
complimentary manner. They have been devoted adherents of the "poor Chinese
'Communists agrarian reformer'' theory.
It is somewhat startling, nevertheless, to discover a Mr. Lattimore as a specific
endorser of Dilemma in Japan, by Lt. Andrew Roth. Indeed, Mr. Lattimore
hails Mr. Roth as representing "the younger school of American experts."
Such an expert is this gentleman that he was a participant in the "borrowing"
of hundreds of secret documents from the files of our State Department, in tne
Amerasia case. That magazine had been established by Phillip Jaffe, of whom
I first learned from the Soviet secret police as a valuable friend. Reports to
the National Committee disclosed this publication to be organized for the pur-
pose of affecting opinion in favor of the Chinese Communists. Btut its main
objective was to make those contacts in the State Department and elsewhere
in Washington which would directly help in the defeat of Chiang Kai-shek. It
was no surprise to me, therefore, when in early 1945 the news broke that the
PBI had raided the Amerasia office, to discover scores of secret documents be-
longing to the State Department and also extensive photographic equipment
for reproducing such documents.
That day a session was held on the Ninth Floor. The danger involved in
the Amerasia disclosures was realized by leading members of the Soviet fifth
column to be considerable. Sitting in Browcler's room, in a little circle, seven
of them went over the steps that must be taken to becloud America's mind as
to what had actually taken place. The proposals which wrere adopted — brought
in appropriately by Eugene Dennis — who had been educated in espionage in the
Lenin School in Moscow — included these significant steps : 1. To get the aid of
men upon whom we could depend, Alger Hiss being mentioned, and at least
six other men of like position being considered ; 2. That the comrades con-
nected with the newspapers be instructed to do all they could to see that the
incident was played down and allowed to die out quickly ; 3. That the argument
be used everywhere by the comrades disguised as non-Communists that the
Chiang Kai-shek government was "rotten to the core" and that therefore any
information obtained against it was not injurious to America.
Secret instructions to this effect were dispatched at once to all sections and
districts of the party. They were very effective, at that. The Amerasia
defendents got off without difficulty, and there was a big celebration at Phillip
Jaffe's house in which toasts were drunk to the coming victory of communism
in China and the defeat of American imperialism. Several members of the
Daily Worker editorial board were present at this victory feast.
One of the reasons why there was no appreciation of the treason involved in
the Amerasia case was the effective work the Soviet fifth column had done
among the majority of the organizations dealing with the Orient. Through
infiltration, corruption, persuasion, or use of personal weakness, leading mem-
bers of most of these groups had come to see eye to eye with the Communists
on China. That is, they peddled the talk of agrarian reformers, coalition gov-
ernment, and other similar claptrap. Conspicuous among these was the Vice
President of the United States, Henry A. Wallace, who contributed to the Amer-
ican Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, a pamphlet in 1944 in which he said:
"The Russians have demonstrated their friendly attitude toward China by their
willingness to refrain from interfering in China's internal affairs." That sen-
tence is familiar to me because it even provoked laughter on the Ninth Floor
of the 12th Street Kremlin. A separate Red Army, "Chinese Soviets", and
1682 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
Communist forces which would hang hack during the Soviet-Japanese Pact were
not regarded by Mr. Wallace as evidences of intervention. In his zeal to defend
the Chinese Communists Mr. Wallace lately overshot his mark. In his most re-
cent book, Toward World Peace, the former Vice President continued to argue
that the comrades in China were agrarian reformers. The Communist organ,
Political Affairs, for May 1948, reluctantly and sadly had to take him to task
for this mistake. For now, since Mao Tse-tung has announced his union of
purpose with Soviet aggression, and his hostility to the United States, this fakery
is no longer serviceable. And so, Political Affairs writes: "No, the Chinese
Communists are really Communists, not agrarian reformers. It is precisely
because they are Communists that they express best of all the real interests of
the Chinese people." And that sentence proclaims in effect that all the previous
Communist propaganda, palmed off on the liberals and used by them to confuse
America, was a tissue of lies.
One of the most appalling developments out of all this was the apparent ac-
ceptance of these lies by the Far Eastern Division of our State Department.
On November 11, 1946, at the Far East luncheon of the National Foreign Trade
Council, the director of that office went so far as to strike a hard blow against
Nationalist China. In his address, Mr. John Carter Vincent indicted Nationalist
China as a place "unsound to invest private or public capital." This was based
upon the threat of civil war there, upon wasting of armaments, and on undem-
ocratic concepts of government existing there. Mr. Carter, unfortunately, neg-
lected to state what would occur if his advice were taken. Namely, the greatest
fiasco ever to greet America. That is precisely what has happened today and
it will cost the lives of thousands of our men eventually to make up for the
possible loss of China. It is distressing to note that Mr. Carter's utterance in
Washington came at the same time as the Communist Party's campaign to "get
out of China", which was headed by that veteran party liner, the late General
Carlson. It is constant attitudes of this kind on the part of Mr. Vincent Carter
that has made his name so warmly welcome in the secret councils of the Soviet
fifth column. I have never heard the former head of the Far Eastern Office of the
State Department mentioned in high Communist circles except with the highest
approbation.
The same deceit and disguise which led to these successes on China also
marked Red penetration of organizations dealing with this matter. The Insti-
tute of Pacific Relations is a case in point. This is an organization composed
of odds and ends of people in many countries touching the Pacific. The Ameri-
can Council, although not absolutely controlled by the Communists, has never
found anything wrong with Communist China and has never warned the Ameri-
can Nation of the grave danger to its security that will result from a Commu-
nist conquered China. Quite to the contrary, most of its publications have pre-
sented Communist China as a land of sweetness and light. One of its most
conspicuous directors has been Frederick Vanderbilt Field, and notorious Com-
munist writers such as the so-called James S. Allen, recently Foreign Editor
of the Daily Worker, have been on its list of authors. It may be added that
"Allen" is a former agent of the Communist International in the Phillipines and
has close conspiratorial connections with many Soviet agents in lands bordering
on the Pacific. Edward C. Carter, director of the Institute, for years, has had
such close associations with the Communists as to rob him of any critical at-
titude toward them. He has been a leading figure in the Russian,American In-
stitute, a contributor to Soviet Russia Today, and director of Russian War Re-
lief. Not satisfied with the penetration of organizations, organs of public opin-
ion, or the government, the Communists began a new campaign of their own on
China just before I left the party. It was designed to center the attention of
the comrades on China as the biggest of all tasks of the American Reds, and to
arouse them to the subsequent campaigns through other organizations which
they inaugurated. Well known party liners have also been vociferous in the
Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy, formed around the same time
and preparing the way by its complete echo of the partv position for further
American division in the face of the Communist advance in China.
"What is happening in China today is the most open expression of American
imperialism at work," said a secret memorandum sent to all Communists by
the New York State office just before I left the party. "Today, American im-
perialism, by armed force, is intervening in the struggle of the Chinese people
to establish a democratic Chinese Republic." Such allegations would be highly
comical were they not so tragic, when we view the hesitancy of America to defend
itself by taking a firm stand in the Chinese picture. The Committee for a Demo-
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1683
eratic Far Eastern Policy echoed this sort of farcical charge, demanding that
the United Stales give no military aid to China since it would "in effect mala;
the President of the United States Commander in Chief of the Chinese Armies."
It is arguments like these when pressed by the gentlemen in diplomatic morn-
ing clothes that have made Washington sway hack and forth in tragic uncer-
tainty on China. It is certain harried editors looking around for material on
China who pick up a pamphlet by the supposedly respectable Institute of Pacific
Relations and use it for information, even though it is written by Abraham
Chapman. And who is he? None other than a most trusted Communist, who
under the name of John Arnold has written extensively for the Communist press
and served as a member of the State Committee of the Communist Party of New
York. That would be unknown to the unwary editor, guided by Comrade Chap-
man's discourse on the Far East.
Or to use another example, which came to my attention during my last days
in the party in 1943 : Hundreds of leading citizens in various communities received
in the mails early that year a pamphlet entitled "China's Greatest Crisis."
Its author, Frederick V. Field, was stated to be "a member of the Executive
Committee of the American Council, Institute of Pacific Relations, and an au-
thority on Far Eastern problems. He is also Executive Vice President of the
Council for Pan-American Democracy, and a member of the Editorial Board of
New Masses." The publisher was New Century Publishers, Inc., 832 Broad-
way, New York.
That was a rather impressive-sounding statement, and the publisher seemed
to be respectable enough in name. No one is opposed to anything "new." How
was the leading citizen of Kalamazoo, Mich., receiving such a pamphlet, from the
list of a certain religious organization of which he was a member, to know that
the New Century Publishers are the official publication society of the Communist
Party's theoretical organ and its most valued pamphlets? How was he to know
of Mr. Field's connection with the Communist movement except through the ref-
erence of the New Masses of which he might have heard vaguely?
This was the manner in which many patriotic Americans, who say quite
emphatically that no one can dictate their opinions, were hornswoggled into a
completely distorted view of the Chinese crisis.
It was out of all these pressures, Moscow directed, that President Roosevelt
was persuaded to amend our solemn pledge of China's integrity made at Cairo to
the Yalta promise that Soviet Russia would get Outer Mongolia and even a
chance at Manchuria. It is from such creation of confusion in the American mind
that we have promised aid to China and not given it in the measure it was)
pledged. Is it any wonder that the American Nation faces the greatest debacle in
its history, the possible loss of 470,000,000 people for our side in the battle for
American existence?
Exhibit No. 78
[From the Daily Worker]
Books
The Situation in Asia. By Owen Lattimore. 238 pp. Boston. Atlantic-Little,
Brown. $2.75.
"Situation in Asia" Criticizes U. S. Government Policy in Far East
(By David Carpenter)
Owen Lattimore's Situation in Asia is extremely critical of our government's
policies in that immense area of colonial and semicolonial peoples. He shows
that our government has done nothing but alienate the people's forces seeking
national liberation in Asia.
Lattimore, who is the director of the Walter Hines Page School of Foreign
Relations at Johns Hopkins University, points out that our dependence on the
Kuomintang has served only to make the United States hated by the Chinese
people. He contrasts, to our disadvantage, the reliance on the unpopular im-
perialist agent Syngman Rhee and the maintenance of U. S. occupation troops
in South Korea with the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the establishment
of a native peoples government in North Korea.
1684 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
He shows clearly that the efforts by the U. S. government to make Japan a
major bastion against the Soviet Union must end in failure.
Lattimore proposes that our government end its alliances with dictatorial
corrupt antipeople's forces in Asia. He urges that we stop intervention in
the internal affairs of the colonial and semicolonial countries. He asks that we
aid the peoples of Asia to achieve national independence.
* * *
All this is to the good as far as it goes. But Lattimore goes completely off
the beam in his efforts to explain the relationship of political and social forces
in Asia and their impact on world affairs. And as long as we fail to recognize
the reality of these relations so long will we be unable to help in the achievement
of those aims Lattimore proposes.
In the first place, Lattimore argues that the colonial and semicolonial peoples
struggling for national independence are developing a "third force" that seeks
to remain equidistant from American and Russian power. He refuses to admit
that the struggle is completely an anti-imperialist struggle, to drive out the
American, British, French, and Dutch capitalists who are subjecting their
native peoples to superexploitation for their raw materials and as markets for
capitalist products.
Lattimore admits that the Asiatic colonial and semicolonial peoples are
looking to the Soviet Union for examples of how oppressed peoples achieve inde-
pendence and are turning away from the United States because of its imperialist
line. But he makes this a contest of tactics which the United States can change
by adopting new methods.
* * *
Lattimore refuses to see that the reason the colonial people turn to the Soviet
Union for their example is precisely because of the overthrow of capitalism and
the establishment of socialism in that country. As Stalin points out :
"It is precisely because the national-colonial revolutions took place in our
country under the leadership of the proletariat and under the banner of inter-
nationalism that pariah nations, slave nations, have for the first time in the
history of mankind risen to the position of nations which are really free and
really equal, thereby setting a contagious example for the oppressed nations
of the whole world.
"This means that the October Revolution has ushered in a new era, the era
of colonial revolutions which are being conducted in the oppressed countries of
the world in alliance with the proletariat and under the leadership of the
proletariat."
The core of the leadership in the colonial struggle against imperialism and
the guarantee of the achievement of national independence lies in the growth
and development of the native Communist Parties, springing out of the ex-
ploited native working classes and leading the exploited working class and the
oppressed peasant masses. That is why the imperialists, under the leadership
of the United States, direct their main fire against the destruction of these
native Communist Parties.
Secondly, Lattimore makes the mistake of assuming that the relationship
of the United States and the Soviet Union in Asia is that of a struggle for
power. Here he falls into the trap laid by American imperialism, which would
like to hide the reality of its efforts to maintain its grasp of the resources and
manpower of Asia.
This approach to American-Soviet relationships obscures the truth. The
Soviet Union is not seeking world power. When the colonial peoples look for
alliances with the Soviet Union, it is because they see in that socialist country
the true defender of their national aspirations. When the Soviet Union aligns
itself with these peoples, it is not just a counteralliance to protect its own borders
against the attack of imperialism, it is fundamentally a defense of the national
interests of the peoples of these oppressed nations.
Because the peoples of the world recognize that an attack on the Soviet Union
is an attack on the defender of their own aspirations, because they see in such
an attack on their own efforts to break the bold of imperialism, they join with
the Soviet Union in a common front against imperialism. They have already
seen how the peoples of the Eastern European democracies were able to protect
themselves from the encroachment of imperialism and to begin their own in-
ternal development as the result of alliances with and protection by the Soviet
Union.
STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION 1685
In our own country, If we are t<> adopt the proposals Lattimore makes for
"the situation in Asia." it is necessary fur ns to loosen the hold of the im-
perialists on our government. Otherwise, our official policies will continue to
be thai of oppressing the colonial peoples in the interests of our monopoly
capitalists.
Exhibit No. 79
The Assembly,
State of New York,
Darien Center, New York, June 20, 1944-
Miss Rose V. Russell,
13 Astor Place. New York 3, N. Y.
My dear Russell : I am in receipt of your letter informing me of the informal
meeting in tribute to Dr. Bella Dodd inasmuch as she is leaving her position as
Legislative Representative of the Teachers Union.
I first became acquainted with Dr. Dodd when I became Chairman of the
Rapp-Coudert Committee and in the four years that I have held this position, I
have had occasion to contact Dr. Dodd on a great many occasions and would
like to say that she has always been fair in presenting her views and while at
times we have differed I have always found her very sincere and her word with
me has always been as good as a certified check.
I wish to extend to Dr. Dodd my best wishes for her continued success in her
new field.
Sincerely yours,
Herbert A. Rapp W. C.
Staten Island, N. Y., June 17, 1944.
Dr. Bella V. Dodd,
2o West 43rd Street. New York City.
Dear Dr. Dodd : Thanks so much for your gracious letter of June 12. Your
kind wishes are appreciated.
There are probably not many people in New York who have as divergent politi-
cal and economic ideas as you and I. I like and respect you as a person, however,
and I am happy to read that you don't think I am entirely bad.
Good luck to you in your new work, and best regards to you from
Yours sincerely,
Ellsworth B. Buck.
The Assembly,
State of New York,
Albany, June 22, 1944.
Miss Rose V. Russell,
Secretary, Teachers Union,
13 Astor Place, New York.
Dear Miss Russell: I am writing these few lines to extend to Dr. Bella Dodd
my best wishes and may her future endeavors be successful.
I also wish to state that during the past four years as a member of the Legis-
lature, I have met Dr. Dodd on many occasions and while at times we may
have differed politically I have always admired her for her sincerity, honesty,
and integrity.
With every hope for a successful affair and with greeting to all.
Sincerely,
George Archinal.
The Assembly,
State of New York,
Albany, June 14, 1944-
Miss Rose V. Russell,
Teachers Union.
13 Astor Place, New York 3, Neiv York.
My Dear Miss Russell: I understand that you contemplate an informal
"Tribute to Bella Dodd" on Friday, June 23d. May I ask you to deliver the
following message to your guests assembled :
1686 STATE DEPARTMENT EMPLOYEE LOYALTY INVESTIGATION
During the many years that Bella Dodd has appeared in Albany as Repre-
sentative of the Teachers Union, I know of no one who has given more service
and been more effective in behalf of those employed in the school system and
education, generally, than has Bella Dodd. She has the regard, respect and
confidence of all members of the Legislature, regardless of party.
Sincerely yours,
Irwin Steingut.
The Assembly,
State of New Yokk,
Buffalo, New York, June 3, 1944.
Miss Rose V. Russell,
c/o Teachers Union,
13 Astor Place, New York 3, New York.
Dear Miss Russell: I regret exceedingly that I shall be unable to attend
the reception in honor of Bella Dodd to be held on Friday evening, June 23rd
at Manhattan Center.
I have had the pleasm-e of knowing Bella Dodd during my long tenure in the
Legislature and desire to state that the Teachers Union and education generally
will lose a most energetic figure in her retirement as Legislative Representative
of the Union.
While not always in accord or agreement with Mrs. Dodd, I always respected
her sincerity of purpose as well as her zeal for tho